Le développement des techniques audiovisuelles tout au long du XXème siècle, jadis réservéau domaine artistique puis progressivement étendu à d’autres sphères d’activités, n’a approchéque tardivement la justice.Plus particulièrement, la justice pénale n’a recours à ces innovations que depuis unequinzaine d’années. D’abord destinées à poursuivre des objectifs limités, les techniquesaudiovisuelles ont vu progressivement leur champ d’application s’étendre, jusqu’à devenir desoutils incontournables de la procédure pénale française.La présente étude, fondée sur une base empirique combinant analyse documentaire,entretiens semi-directifs et observations, tend néanmoins à démontrer que, malgré leur caractèreinévitable, et nonobstant les bienfaits que la justice pénale a su en tirer, l’introduction et lamise en oeuvre des techniques audiovisuelles en son sein ont eu des répercussions inattendues,de telle sorte que l’on peut se demander si elles n’ouvrent pas la voie vers une autre justice. / The development of audiovisual techniques throughout the twentieth century, once reservedfor arts and gradually extended to other fields of activity, has approached the legal systembelatedly.More specifically, the criminal justice system has been using these innovations over the pastfifteen years. Initially intended to address a limited number of problems, audiovisual techniqueshave gradually expanded their scope, and have now become essential tools to French criminalprocedure.This study based on an empirical approach combining documents analysis, semi-structuredinterviews and observations, tends to show that, despite their inevitable nature, andnotwithstanding the benefits they have been able to introduce to the criminal justice system,the introduction and implementation of audiovisual techniques in its core have unintendedconsequences, raising the question if they are not opening a door to another justice.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-09-25T12:18:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rafaella Queiroga Souto.pdf: 939643 bytes, checksum: 7e64b1d38215fa6ce36453925f20ea16 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-10-07 / Objective: To characterize the sexual violence carried out against women treated at the Center for Legal Medicine and Dentistry - NUMOL in Campina Grande/PB. Methodology: This was a cross-sectional descriptive and analytical study that used secondary data. It analyzed reports of carnal intercourse (suspected cases of rape N =886) that were registered at NUMOL between January 2005 and December 2009. The 295 confirmed cases of rape were allocated according to the age of the victim. The instrument of data collection was a specific form, drawn up from information in the report of carnal knowledge. The dependent variable was the rape (yes or no) and the others were considered independent. The database and statistical analysis were carried out using SPSS (Statistical Package for Social Sciences). The data were presented using descriptive statistics (mean, range, standard deviation, and frequencies). The study used the Chi-square or Fisher's exact test, PR - prevalence ratio and ANOVA. The significance used was 0.05 with a 95% confidence level. Results: The frequence of rape was 33.29%. There was association between the confirmation of the rape and marital status (p = 0.009), relationship with the perpetrator (p = 0.01) and violence during rape (p = 0.000). The victims were mostly adolescents (87.50%), unmarried (87.10%) with incomplete primary education (34.90%), residing in urban areas (50.20 %), born in other municipalities (54.90%) and students (70.50%). The perpetrators varied from adolescents to adults with a mean age of 27.46 years, the majority were acquaintances of the victims (84.06%), but had no blood ties (other acquaintances) (52.82%). There was a predominance of a single perpetrator (82%). Most assaults occurred in public places (13.40%) in the morning (6.10%), with estimated lapse time of more than 20 days between the violence and the report (67.50%). Some form of violence was employed during practice (38%). Presumed violence (34.82%) and physical force (23.23%) were the most prevalent types of violence. The most frequent type of presumed violence was inocencia consilli (60.70%). No lesions were found elsewhere on the body in the majority of cases (94.60%). Conclusions: The frequence of rape is high, and the victims are mostly young, single and with low schooling. The perpetrators are acquaintances of the victims. / Objetivo: caracterizar a violência sexual praticada contra a mulher atendida no Núcleo de Medicina e Odontologia Legal - NUMOL do município de Campina Grande/PB. Metodologia: Tratou-se de um estudo transversal descritivo e analítico com dados secundários. Foram analisados 886 laudos de conjunção carnal (casos suspeitos de estupro) atendidos no NUMOL entre janeiro de 2005 e dezembro de 2009, sendo 295 casos confirmados de estupro que foram alocados segundo a faixa etária. O instrumento de coleta de dados foi formulado de acordo com as informações existentes no laudo de conjunção carnal. Os pesquisadores foram treinados e foi realizado um estudo piloto com laudos de 2004 que foram descartados. Os aspectos éticos da pesquisa com seres humanos foram respeitados: o projeto foi cadastrado no SISNEP, aprovado pelo comitê de ética em pesquisa da UEPB e foi autorizado pela direção da instituição. Resultados: A frequencia da conjunção carnal foi alta (33,29%). Foi observada associação entre a confirmação do estupro e o estado civil, cidade que a vítima reside, escolaridade, relacionamento com o agressor, grau deste relacionamento, idade do agressor, data provável desta agressão, virgindade anterior e violência durante a prática. Em relação aos casos confirmados de estupro, as vítimas são em sua maioria: adolescentes, solteiras, com ensino fundamental incompleto, residentes na zona urbana, naturais de outros municípios e estudantes. Os agressores variam entre adolescentes e adultos, sendo a maioria conhecidos das vítimas, mas que não possuem laços consanguíneos (outros conhecidos) e a maioria agiu sozinho. A maioria das agressões ocorreu em locais públicos, pela manhã, com data provável da violência maior que 20 dias do dia da realização do laudo, foi empregada alguma forma de violência durante a prática, sendo a violência presumida e a força física as mais prevalentes e entre a violência presumida foi a inocência consilli a que apresentou maior frequência. Não foram encontradas lesões em outras regiões do corpo na maioria dos casos. Conclusões: A frequencia do estupro foi alta e as vítimas são principalmente jovens, solteiras e com baixa escolaridade. Os agressores são em maioria conhecidos das vítimas.

L’institution totalisante, en tant qu’institution close sur elle-même, hermétique au monde n’existe pas, ni dans l’absolu ni comme idéal type auquel serait comparé, par exemple, l’institution pénitentiaire. Il existe toujours des interfaces humaines, matérielles et temporelles entre les différents espaces sociaux fussent-elles délimitées par des murs et des barbelés. Il convient pour aborder l’univers carcéral, celui dans lequel nous portons notre étude tout en y étant détenu, de parler plutôt d’institution totalisante où se joue continuellement un conflit entre rationalité formelle et matérielle, mais aussi un conflit aux dimensions puissantes de socialisation, de reconfiguration des comportements et de subjectivation des vécus. Notre centre de détention présente un exemple de ce conflit entre un univers répressif normalisé et sécuritaire, et un autre empli de stratégies pragmatiques de survie ou de resocialisation. La complexité qui en résulte est à l’image de la société elle-même et du rapport permanent des individus à leurs institutions.Enrichi par nos précédentes recherches, notre présent travail tente d’aborder deux importants aspects que sont le paradigme du don et la théorie de la reconnaissance, et de les articuler avec l’engagement bénévole en détention. Avant tout, nous voulons démontrer que beaucoup d’aspects du paradigme du don et de la théorie de la reconnaissance sont aussi et déjà présents en contexte d’incarcération. Mais ces aspects présentent la particularité de maintenir la vie de l’institution totalisante en circuit fermé, c’est-à-dire sur elle-même.Le paradigme du don à travers le bénévolat amène à repenser l’espace carcéral comme un espace de socialisation à part entière et éminemment en interaction avec l’extérieur. C’est parce qu’elle est en constante relation avec la société que l’institution totalisante a besoin du bénévolat pour que cette relation, prise dans le paradigme du don, fasse des détenus les responsables mêmes de leurs échanges avec l’extérieur. Dès lors, en termes de rationalisation, entendue comme sens donné par les acteurs à leurs actions et à leurs recherches de liens, les visées sont à la fois pragmatiques, utilitaristes, et altruistes, les détenus s’y redéfinissant dans le cadre de la réciprocité, du rendu et de l’offre, plutôt que de la dette, la stigmatisation et la punition.Le lien social est la base du bénévolat/don. Il est bénéfique à tous en termes de réinsertion et de lutte contre le stigmate pour certains, de place dans le jeu du social pour d’autres. Dans un cadre « d’endettement mutuel positif », c’est bien la socialisation qui s’exprime. / The “Total Institution”, as a body closed in on itself, isolated from the outside world, does not exist, either as an absolute or as a standard ideal to which, for instance, the penal institution would be compared. There are always human, material and temporal interfaces between the different social spaces, even though they are delimited by walls and barbed wire. In order to understand the prison world, the one in which we are detained and on which we focus our research, the term “all-encompassing” institution is best suited insofar as permanent conflict takes place between formal and material rationalities, along with a powerful conflict of socialization and a reconfiguration of the behaviours and subjectivities of the actors. Our detention center provides an example of these conflicts between a normalized and repressive universe and another, filled with pragmatic strategies of survival or re-socialization. The complexity that results is the same as the one we can find in the entire society and in the permanent relation between individuals and their institutions.Enriched by ours previous research, this study endeavours to tackle two important questions: Gift Paradigm and the Theory of Recognition, and to link them up with the theme of voluntary work in prisons. First of all, we want to show that many aspects of the Gift Paradigm and of the Theory of Recognition are also to be found in jail. But these aspects have one particular consequence: they maintain the life of the institution closed on itself.The Gift Paradigm, through benevolent commitment, leads to the reconsideration of the prison space as a space of fully-fledged socialization and of eminent interaction with the outside world. It is precisely because it is in constant relation with society that the “all-encompassing” institution requires voluntary work and voluntary commitment. Within the benevolent relational act, as it is viewed in the Gift Paradigm framework, the convicts are in the situation of being responsible for their exchanges with the outside world. Then, in terms of rationalization, seen as a meaning given by the actors to their actions and to their needs of relationships, the aims are at the same time pragmatic, utilitarian, and altruistic. The convicts redefine themselves within the scope of reciprocity, return and offer, rather than that of debt, stigmatization and punishment.The social link is at the basis of the “voluntary/gift”. It is beneficial to all prisoners in terms of reinsertion, and in terms of struggle against stigma for some of their role in society (outside mercantile or professional roles) for others. In the same way it is beneficial to the volunteers. In a case of “positive mutual indebting”, it is socialization itself that is expressed.