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Inom utbildningsväsendet återkommer att stipulera, reglera, föra in klausuler och skapa ramverk för hur lärare kan anamma skolverkets riktlinjer inom de skolämnen som eleverna ämnar studera. Allt som oftast fylls kurser inom såväl universitet som grundläggande utbildningar till en bredd som inte tillåter ämnesöverskridande arbete. Förlusterna när närvaron av ämnesöverskridande arbete uteblir kan mätas såväl höga som låga, inom området demokrati och samhälleligt engagemang tillskrivs förlusten högre på skalan. Ambitionen att undervisa studenter i politiskt engagemang möter hinder i lärares rädsla för det politiska samtalet, Habermas erbjuder den rationella utopin i det deliberativa samtalet, Dewey i egenskap av pedagog betonar vikten av ständigt engagemang för att bibehålla demokratins goda krafter. Behovet av att inkorporera fler aktörer i arbetet mot att skapa mer delaktiga medborgare ur skolelever emanera från brist på samarbete mellan ämnen, lärare men även i relationen mellan  föräldrar, politiker och utbildningsväsendet. Studier belyser hur elever söker efter mer politisk kunskap samtidigt som även studenter vid universitet vill erhålla mer praktiska råd och verktyg för att påverka sitt samhälle. Vikten av att utbildning stödjer eleverna i deras behov efter autonomi och engagemang överskrider enligt flertalet forskare neoliberalismens mål att ge rätt verktyg för bättre jobbmöjligheter. Studier visar att utvecklingen ifrån engagemang för sitt samhälle och mot individualistiska strävan leder till försämrade förutsättningar för elever att agera demokratiskt. Sammanfattningsvis visar studier i området undervisning för att forma aktiva medborgare att mer fokus måste riktas mot hur lärare, resten av samhället och slutligen eleverna bör samarbeta inom utbildningsväsendet för att främja politiskt engagemang. / Within the field of education, rules and maintaining a system where the educators are following a set of rules, is a common recurring structure. These structures often refrain from exchanging information between subjects and are more prone too single-subject focus. Not engaging in cross-subject education gains loses as well as victories, although within the realm of democracy and political engagement the losses are often more prominent. The fear of educating students is a fault with educators which forms an obstacle when ambition strives for more political engagement within education. Jurgen Habermas offers his theory of the deliberative conversation, that emphasizes rationality within discussion and the utopian belief that everyone can converse with one another. The pedagogy John Dewey emphasizes the need for constant development when addressing democracy within education too always keep evil at bay and aspire for good. Autonomy is essential to keep students aspirations for participation within politics, more and more students are in demand for more” hands-on” education. More is needed when one addresses how to make active citizens, studies show that more students lack in democratic values because rest of society is either not addressing political issues or are less interested in politics than obtaining a high-income employment.

This year-long participant observation qualitative case study draws together five social practices of mid-career elementary school educators in the Mexican southeastern state of Oaxaca: a protest march, a roadblock, the use of humor, a school-based book fair and alternate uses of time and space in school. The title terms of charros, tlacuaches and mapaches represent some of the diverse sites of friction where teachers interact. Additionally, movements of diverse inquiries is derived from the definition Michel Foucault gives to "critical" which leads to the primary guiding question: how have Oaxacan teachers engaged in critical pedagogical practices? The study finds that contemporary commonsense dimensions of critical pedagogy which involve developing teacher awareness toward relations of power and facilitating direct interventions in community realities of inequity have proven insufficient for teachers and others engaged in a multi-sited, decades-long protest movement. The five social practices showcased here demonstrate ways teachers navigate in and out of the State Secretariat of Education and the radical union, illustrating that the messy life of teaching is complex. The practices show how activities often disassociated with pedagogy and political projects: eating, drinking, gossiping, play, all help teachers and other school-based actors enact and sustain their critical projects.

Traditionally, the teacher body is disregarded in the educational field. This is because of traditional Western ideologies within which hierarchical dichotomies such as mind/body, matter/discourse, and theory/practice are maintained. In this study, I investigate discourse in four Swedish teacher’s manuals on norm-critical pedagogy. Proceeding from postconstructionist and feminist corpomaterialist perspectives, I research how the manuals maintain and/or challenge the traditional ways of knowledge production concerning the teacher. More specifically, I analyse how the manuals address the teacher body and how they challenge and/or reproduce the idea of ‘a bodiless teacher’. Proceeding from Critical Discourse Analysis by Norman Fairclough, postconstructionism, feminist corpomaterialism, and Guattarian and Deleuzian philosophy of affects, I look at the linguistic, discursive, and social practices of the manuals. In addition, I contribute to the discussion from my experiences as a teacher educator and educational material creator in questions related to equality and inclusion.  I argue that the manuals mainly maintain the traditional ways of knowledge production concerning the teacher by depicting the teacher as ‘bodiless’. This is done by disregarding the teacher body and addressing it as static. Nevertheless, the manuals challenge the idea of ‘a bodiless teacher’ in part. This is done by addressing the teacher body as being in composition with time, space, matter, and power (i.e., created in affective forces). Overall, the idea of ‘a bodiless teacher’ is maintained to a larger extent than it is challenged. As I understand discourse as both constituted and constituting, I claim that the manuals take part in the current discourse around the teacher, and adhere to the idea that there is no room for the teacher body and its inevitable parts (such as emotions, feelings, passion) in an educational context.

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Reports that call for change in engineering education date back to the Mann report (1918), but more recent reports like "The Engineer of 2020" (NAE, 2004), and "Lean Engineering Education," (Flumerfelt et al., 2015) describe the need for engineers who are creative leaders, who have sustainability and ethics skills. Two narrative threads emerge from these reports: that engineering education does not adequately prepare engineers with the skills needed for industry, and that preparation for industry is imperative in order to address problems in society. However, these threads conflict with research from engineering education, science and technology studies, and higher education. There may not be a gap between school and work (Modestino, Shoag and Balance, 2016), and if there is one, it might be a socio-cultural gap that is unreasonable for universities to accept the full responsibility of narrowing. More problematic is that establishing "preparation-for-work" as the purpose for education threatens the goal of preparing students for life outside of work and does not necessarily prepare them to act towards benefit for society. The goal of this study was to critique these narratives using narratives of newcomer engineers' lived experiences. I had two research questions: 1) Who are new engineers asked to be at work? 2) Who do new engineers choose to be in response? I answered these by constructing and analyzing narratives of 12 newcomer engineers, based on interviews collected as part of the Capstone to Work study (Paretti et al., 2021). Using the figured worlds framework of identity development (Holland et al., 1998), I investigated the structures of work, which constrained who newcomers could become, and newcomers' agency, which they used to improvise identities within those constraints. The structures of engineering work that I examined required newcomers to acclimate to ongoing practices at their companies, which did not conform to newcomers' expectations of creative engineering work. Newcomers were objectified: their value and identity was often defined in terms of how much money they made for their company. They were alienated: their engineering problems were rarely defined in terms of their societal impact. The faced sexism: they were denied respectable identities based on gender. In response, some newcomers sought the identity of "asset" for their companies. Other newcomers sought new jobs that would give them opportunities for creativity, growth or societal benefit. And some newcomers worked to create opportunities at their jobs to be who they wanted: leaders, engineers working for environmental benefit, whole persons outside and inside of work. The results of this study suggest limitations of preparation narratives: They do not account for objectification, alienation, and sexism that newcomers face. Engineers also may unfortunately be prepared with stereotypes that do not match the realities of engineering work. This study suggests that we need to educate engineers in a way that recognizes them as human and prepares them for these realities. It also shows us that socio-technical change requires change at the structural level and cannot be limited to changes in education. / Doctor of Philosophy / Reports like "The Engineer of 2020", and "Lean Engineering Education," describe the need for engineers who are creative leaders, and who have sustainability and ethics skills. Engineering education researchers and practitioners use these preparation narratives to justify their funding to grant-awarding institutions, to develop research agendas, and to align their education efforts with these national calls. Two threads emerge from typical preparation narratives: that engineering education does not adequately prepare engineers with the skills needed for industry, and that preparation for industry is necessary for engineering to address societal problems. These, however, conflict with research from engineering education, science and technology studies, and higher education. If there is a gap between school and work, it might be a socio-cultural gap that is unreasonable for universities to accept the full responsibility of narrowing. More problematic is that establishing "preparation-for-work" as the primary purpose of education threatens the goal of preparing students for life outside of work and does not necessarily prepare them to act towards benefit for society. This study critiques these narratives by referring to newcomer engineers' lived experiences and identity development. I had two research questions: 1) Who are new engineers asked to be at work? 2) Who do new engineers choose to be in response? I answered these by constructing and analyzing narratives of 12 newcomer engineers, based on interviews collected as part of the Capstone to Work study. Using the figured worlds framework of identity development, I investigated the structures of work, which constrained who newcomers could become, and newcomers' agency in becoming different kinds of engineers within those constraints. Newcomers were generally required to acclimate to ongoing practices at their companies, which did not conform to their expectations of creative engineering work. Newcomers were objectified: their value and identity was often defined in terms of how much money they made for their company. They were alienated: their engineering problems were rarely defined in terms of their societal impact. The faced sexism: they were denied respectable identities based on gender. In response, some newcomers sought the identity of "asset" for their companies. Other newcomers sought new jobs that would give them opportunities for creativity, growth or societal benefit. And some newcomers worked to create opportunities at their jobs to be who they wanted. The results of this study suggest limitations of preparation narratives: they do not account for objectification, alienation, and sexism that newcomers face. Engineers also may unfortunately be prepared with stereotypes that do not match the realities of engineering work. Engineers should be educated in a way that recognizes them as human and prepares them for the realities of work. The study also confirms that efforts for socio-technical change cannot be limited to educational changes, because of structural constraints.

Eldora, Neethi and Seraphina are three young women who work as science interpreters at a large metropolitan museum. Each woman began her tenure at the age of 15, as part of an employment program for low-income and minority youth, and have since grown to become leaders within the program. Using autoethnography (Ellis, 2004) and portraiture (Lawrence-Lightfoot and Hoffman Davis, 1997), I explore the rich cultures and histories that each woman brings to her work, present stories that counter the dominant deficit narratives around diversity in informal science education, and reflect on connections to my own practice. Through a critical pedagogy framework (McLaren, 2009; Kincheloe, 2008), I analyze power and privilege within the institution, and the roles that race, language, and culture play in the dynamics of the workplace. This includes examination of workplace microaggressions, physical barriers to cross-cultural interaction, and technocratic ideologies that limit advancement and sense of belonging. From facing subtle acts of racism to taking on life-changing opportunities for growth, I examine the complex relationships that the women have with the institution, and explore ways that they are becoming agents of change. / Ph. D.