Prompted by the need to expand the criminological enterprise, I put forward a criminology of education that offers a deeper understanding of education’s purpose in contemporary society. In tracing the reconfiguration of social security and understandings of citizenship in Western capitalist societies, education is situated as a centrally important institution of social governance. Moving from ‘the social’ as the predominant category of governance to smaller, individualized units of governance such as the ‘community’ has produced a post-social state which involves significant implications for political institutions, including crime control and education. This is illustrated by the ‘criminalization of schools’ thesis, which posits that schools increasingly take on responsibilities for governing crime to the point that they are now governed through crime. Market preparation constitutes another governing principle of education, encapsulated in what can be termed the ‘marketization of schools’, which points to education’s role in producing lean, active citizens. I draw on the work of Michel Foucault and Pierre Bourdieu for explicating the features of governance and discipline, and their articulation. I then turn to explore the empirical referent found in recent efforts to rethink and reorganize student discipline policies in Ontario schools. The ‘discovery’ of bullying in Ontario is suggested to be a discursive reality that made possible the implementation of a program of regulation. From this, we see that education is conceptualized and represented as a ‘security apparatus’, and education policies as increasingly concerned with managing public safety and social order.

This research offers a critical and comprehensive understanding of the current state of prison programming for federally sentenced women in Canada. Its purpose is to map how women prisoners are assessed and processed in terms of their mental health needs and risks and the correctional programs they are required to participate in as part of their correctional rehabilitation plan. By mobilizing a feminist governmentality theoretical lens, the research examines the gendered, neoliberal, and psy management of women prisoners as it occurs through correctional programming interventions and the discourses that underpin the programs in which the women are required to participate. Methodologically, this research draws on over 11,000 pages of documents from the Correctional Service of Canada, which were obtained through a federal Access to Information and Privacy request, as well as eight in-depth, semi-structured interviews with formerly incarcerated, federally sentenced women. I argue that women's experiences of marginalization and criminalization flow from structural factors that are variously impacted by their intersecting identities and which are subsumed beneath discourses of responsibilization and risk management within the programming documents and largely ignored as a result of the security-focused and risk-centred carceral logics that govern prison life and management. The analysis revealed that programming documents - including facilitator manuals, staff training guides, participant workbooks, policy guidelines, and administrative documents - discursively constitute women as emotionally out of control, motivated primarily by their relationships, and as cognitively flawed. Through discourses of empowerment and care, and by way of self-monitoring strategies and improved self-esteem, women prisoners are tasked with managing their own mental health needs and risks and choosing a path of prescribed rehabilitation. Placing the onus of change squarely on the individual prisoner effectively sets aside the structural factors and contexts that lie at the root of women's criminalization, which women cannot simply "choose" to change. Despite the Correctional Service of Canada's appearance of women-centredness and gender responsivity, women are subject to control, coercion, and intense responsibilization efforts in and through correctional programming initiatives.

Orientador: Ana Gabriela Mendes Braga / Resumo: Esta pesquisa busca compreender em que situações conflituosas envolvendo travestis o sistema de justiça criminal interveio, de que forma essas intervenções ocorreram e como tudo isso foi representado na “ponta final” do processo penal. Para isso, analiso 100 acórdãos criminais do Tribunal de Justiça de São Paulo, coletados a partir da palavra-chave “travesti”. Por meio da análise de discurso - atento, portanto, ao poder da linguagem -, busquei compreender em que momentos a travestilidade é evidenciada ou silenciada, e de que formas estereótipos e expectativas sociais influenciam as decisões jurídicas e o funcionamento do sistema de justiça criminal paulista. Considerando a vulnerabilidade em que vive grande parte das travestis, a distribuição desigual de violência, as estratégias estatais de controle dos crimes e a seletividade de classe, raça e gênero inerente ao poder punitivo em nossa sociedade, concluo que o Tribunal de Justiça de São Paulo reproduz a imagem de travestis como pessoas necessariamente desviantes e criminosas, culminando em um processo de criminalização que deslegitima suas narrativas sobre os conflitos e legitima práticas bastante questionáveis do sistema de justiça. Sua humanidade somente é reconhecida depois da morte – para punir com prisão seus agressores. A ambivalência dos discursos sobre travestis e as profundas desigualdades que marcam o processo penal concretizam as expectativas sociais e servem como fundamentação jurídica para a criminalização das ... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: This research seeks to understand in which conflicts involving transvestites the criminal justice system intervened, how these interventions occurred and how all this was represented in the “final point” of the criminal process. For that, I analyzed 100 criminal decisions of São Paulo’s Supreme Court, collected through the key-word “transvestite”. Using discourse analysis – therefore watchful of the power of language –, I tried to understand which moments travestility is evidenced or silenced, how stereotypes and social expectations influence juridical decisions and the criminal justice system’s functioning. Considering the vulnerability under which most transvestites live, the unequal distribution of violence, the State’s strategies to control crimes and the class, race and gender selectivity inherent to the punitive power in our society, I concluded that São Paulo’s Supreme Court reproduce the image of transvestites as necessarily deviant and criminal people, culminating in a criminalization process that delegitimizes their narratives about the conflicts and legitimize profoundly questionable practices of the criminal justice system. Their humanity is only recognized after death. The ambivalence of discourses surrounding transvestites and the deeply rooted inequities that constitutes the criminal process materialize the social expectations and serve as legal validation for the criminalization of transvestites, consolidating a process known in critical criminology as self-fu... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:23:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cesar Mortari Barreira.pdf: 2189963 bytes, checksum: 0c8c40553d3463d1d8cf0580081dc7fe (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-12-15 / This Master s thesis aims to examine the contribution capacity of the autopoietic social systems theory of Niklas Luhmann for new studies both within criminal law as in the context of criminological thought. The research starts from the diagnosis that Luhmann's theory is consistently interpreted as a foundation of Günther Jakobs criminal justice system, without therewith being made any rigorous analysis about the context in which Luhmann's thinking is inserted and about the possible change of meaning that occurred in the transportation of these concepts from sociology to the criminal legal dogmatic. These analytical deficits constitute the main justification for the research hypothesis, namely the possibility that the critical potential of Luhmann's theory generally ignored can contribute to a new research agenda for the criminal legal dogmatic and to the critical criminology. For that, after analyzing the meaning given by Jakobs to Luhmann s concepts in the course of his work and presenting the main concepts of the autopoietic social systems theory and its application in the study of law, it is argued that the meaning given by Jakobs to Luhmann s concepts is arbitrary. As a result, it is understood that a rigorous understanding of the assumptions of this sociological theory can contribute to enhance critically some of Jakobs writings, opening a door for new studies in criminal legal dogmatic, while at the same time that it may enhance the studies in the context of critical criminology / Esta dissertação de mestrado tem como objetivo analisar a capacidade de contribuição da teoria dos sistemas sociais autopoiéticos de Niklas Luhmann para novos estudos tanto no âmbito do direito penal quanto no âmbito do pensamento criminológico. A pesquisa parte do diagnóstico de que a teoria de Luhmann é constantemente interpretada como fundamento do sistema jurídico-penal de Günther Jakobs, sem que com isso seja feita qualquer análise rigorosa acerca do contexto no qual se insere o pensamento de Luhmann e sobre a possível alteração de significado ocorrida no transporte desses conceitos da sociologia para a dogmática jurídico-penal. Estes déficits analíticos constituem a principal justificativa para a hipótese da pesquisa, qual seja a possibilidade de que o potencial crítico da teoria de Luhmann geralmente ignorado possa contribuir para uma nova agenda de pesquisa para a dogmática jurídico-penal e para a criminologia crítica. Para tanto, após a análise do significado dado por Jakobs aos conceitos de Luhmann no decorrer de sua obra e a apresentação dos principais conceitos da teoria dos sistemas sociais autopoiéticos e de sua aplicação no estudo do direito, argumenta-se que o significado dado por Jakobs aos conceitos de Luhmann é arbitrário. Como resultado, entende-se que a compreensão rigorosa das premissas desta teoria sociológica pode contribuir para potencializar criticamente alguns escritos de Jakobs, abrindo uma porta para novos estudos na dogmática jurídico-penal, ao mesmo tempo em que pode potencializar os estudos no âmbito da criminologia crítica

IIn the essay Symbol prohibition? - Ideology, symbols and hate crimes the function of symbols in the process of manufacturing hate crimes are studied from a post- structuralist ideology-critical point of view.The paper aims to highlight how such a theoretical standpoint can explain the motives of hate crime based on a post-structural theory in terms of social economy, power, and social dominance. In a post-structural hypothesis, we assume that economic power gives rise to symbols used to create ideologies. In turn, ideologies are used to create institutions such as racist ideas and ethnic groups, by creating a sense of unity, among ethnical groups and a sense of superiority towards other competing groups. Through this relative position of power, the dominant group creates a sense of inferiority in those who are dominated by hate crimes. In this text, we analyze two documents written by the Government and its Investigation to define hate crimes by investigating whether racism and other symbols should be criminalized.This paper problematizes both of these documents’ positions, which aim to create new laws, by pointing out that the structural understanding of the symbols is lacking. And that such an ideology-critical understanding would have resulted in a more nuanced and partially different conclusion than the Government’s investigation reached. Here, the author wants to show the explanatory value of ideology criticism in criminology specially deals with hate crimes .

published_or_final_version / Social Work and Social Administration / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

Submitted by admin tede (tede@pucgoias.edu.br) on 2016-09-05T13:17:06Z No. of bitstreams: 1 THIAGO DE OLIVEIRA ROCHA.pdf: 874826 bytes, checksum: a6977953c6b44feb78cab2c6db92eba6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-05T13:17:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 THIAGO DE OLIVEIRA ROCHA.pdf: 874826 bytes, checksum: a6977953c6b44feb78cab2c6db92eba6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-31 / The dissertation talks about the necessity of doing a reflection about the criminal enforcement out of merely dogmatic delimitations, in other words, there is a necessity of doing analysis of the criminal enforcement and its relation with the capitalism, essencially how the production’s relations influence to make decisions in a criminal system enforcement. Such connection has been estudied firmely based on Critical Criminology and developed in three chapters. On Chapter I, there is a demonstration of the punishment by a historical view with theirs transformation’s results. On Chapter II, there is an approach about the historical materialism in the same way of the critical view by Kichheimer and Rusche that examine the prision system related to class conflict and its relation with the capitalist system.At last, the chapter III shows a criticism about the jail as a way to make the prisioner to be reintegrated to the capitalism by the relations between the punitive system and the capitalism system based on Michel Foucault, Melossi and Pavarini reference works. increments / A dissertação versa sobre a necessidade de se refletir a execução penal fora de contornos puramente dogmáticos, ou seja, requer a análise da execução penal e sua relação com o capitalismo, essencialmente sobre como as relações de produção influenciam na tomada de decisões em um sistema de execução penal. Tal relação é explorada com base na Criminologia Crítica e desenvolvida em três capítulos. No capítulo I, há a demonstração da pena sob uma perspectiva histórica com as suas consequentes transformações. No capítulo II, existe a abordagem sobre o materialismo histórico nos termos da abordagem crítica inaugurada em Kichheimer e Rusche que analisam o sistema carcerário no contexto da luta de classes e sua consequente relação com o sistema capitalista. Por último, o capítulo III apresenta uma crítica ao cárcere como meio socialização do preso para o capitalismo por meio das relações entre o sistema punitivo e o sistema capitalista fundamentadas nas obras de Michel Foucault e Melossi e Pavarini.

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar criticamente a teoria da prevenção geral positiva da pena construída por Günther Jakobs. Nesse passo, após uma digressão sobre a crise das teorias tradicionais da pena, analisa-se descritivamente o funcionalismo sociológico desde sua inauguração com Durkheim até a moderna versão sistêmica de Niklas Luhmann. Com base no funcionalismo sistêmico, Jakobs elabora a teoria da prevenção geral positiva em um percurso teórico que é apresentado em três diferentes fases. A segunda parte do trabalho analisa criticamente as bases sociológicas e jurídicofilosóficas do pensamento de Jakobs a partir de um viés da sociologia do conflito e da teoria crítica do direito. Por fim, além das críticas enunciadas pela doutrina penal, a teoria da prevenção geral positiva é confrontada com a realidade do processo de criminalização, de modo a revelar seu viés legitimador da seletividade do sistema penal, suas relações com o papel da mídia no incremento do autoritarismo penal, além do significado material da pena como imposição de sofrimento ao ser humano. O cotejo com a realidade brasileira termina por revelar a inadequação do discurso da pena de Jakobs para sociedades em processo de democratização cuja defesa da liberdade e da dignidade humana assumem um papel de prioritária importância. / This research aims to critically analyze Günther Jakobs\' theory of the positive general prevention penalty. In this way, after a digression on the crisis of the traditional theories of punishment, the sociological functionalism is analyzed descriptively, from its beginning with Durkheim to the modern systemic version of Niklas Luhmann. Based on the systemic functionalism, Jakobs elaborates the theory of positive general prevention in a theoretical course divided into three different phases. The second part of this paper critically analyzes the sociological and legal-philosophical foundations of the ideas of Jakobs from a bias of sociology of conflict and critical theory of law. At last, in addition to the criticism made by the criminal doctrine, the positive general prevention theory is confronted with the reality of the criminalization process, in a way to reveal its legitimizing inclination to the selectivity of the criminal system, its relations with the media\'s role in increasing criminal authoritarianism, beyond the material meaning of the penalty how imposing suffering to the human being. The comparison with the Brazilian reality turns out to reveal the inadequacy of the penalty speech by Jakobs for societies under democratization process whose defense of freedom and human dignity assume a role of primary importance.

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar criticamente a teoria da prevenção geral positiva da pena construída por Günther Jakobs. Nesse passo, após uma digressão sobre a crise das teorias tradicionais da pena, analisa-se descritivamente o funcionalismo sociológico desde sua inauguração com Durkheim até a moderna versão sistêmica de Niklas Luhmann. Com base no funcionalismo sistêmico, Jakobs elabora a teoria da prevenção geral positiva em um percurso teórico que é apresentado em três diferentes fases. A segunda parte do trabalho analisa criticamente as bases sociológicas e jurídicofilosóficas do pensamento de Jakobs a partir de um viés da sociologia do conflito e da teoria crítica do direito. Por fim, além das críticas enunciadas pela doutrina penal, a teoria da prevenção geral positiva é confrontada com a realidade do processo de criminalização, de modo a revelar seu viés legitimador da seletividade do sistema penal, suas relações com o papel da mídia no incremento do autoritarismo penal, além do significado material da pena como imposição de sofrimento ao ser humano. O cotejo com a realidade brasileira termina por revelar a inadequação do discurso da pena de Jakobs para sociedades em processo de democratização cuja defesa da liberdade e da dignidade humana assumem um papel de prioritária importância. / This research aims to critically analyze Günther Jakobs\' theory of the positive general prevention penalty. In this way, after a digression on the crisis of the traditional theories of punishment, the sociological functionalism is analyzed descriptively, from its beginning with Durkheim to the modern systemic version of Niklas Luhmann. Based on the systemic functionalism, Jakobs elaborates the theory of positive general prevention in a theoretical course divided into three different phases. The second part of this paper critically analyzes the sociological and legal-philosophical foundations of the ideas of Jakobs from a bias of sociology of conflict and critical theory of law. At last, in addition to the criticism made by the criminal doctrine, the positive general prevention theory is confronted with the reality of the criminalization process, in a way to reveal its legitimizing inclination to the selectivity of the criminal system, its relations with the media\'s role in increasing criminal authoritarianism, beyond the material meaning of the penalty how imposing suffering to the human being. The comparison with the Brazilian reality turns out to reveal the inadequacy of the penalty speech by Jakobs for societies under democratization process whose defense of freedom and human dignity assume a role of primary importance.

Construction of culprits within criminal policy programs: A critical discourse analysis. The purpose of this study was to make visible discourses within criminal policy before the elections of 2018 through analysis of the established political parties ́ criminal policy programs. Method qualitative content analysis was used to bring out categories, later analysed with Fairclough ́s critical discourse analysis. Constructions of culprits as “foreigner”, “in gang”, “organized”, “young”, “male” and “non-ethical Swedish” emerged. Other groups were crime victims identified as “children”, “juveniles”, “elders”, “females” and “entrepreneurs/business owners”. The crimes observed were honor crimes, terrorism, crimes of violence (especially domestic violence), sexual offences and internet-based crime. The constructions may create a skewed interpretation of criminality and feelings of “us and them”. This may lead to “them” labelled as the criminals and “us” as their potential victims. The discourses in the programs therefore risk sustaining unequal power configurations in society.