This dissertation examines how Latin American diplomacy helped shape U.S. officials’ response to revolutionary movements at the height of the Cold War. It explains the striking contrast between U.S. patronage of the Bolivian revolution and the profound antagonism with similar leftist nationalist movements in Cuba and Guatemala. Although U.S. policymakers worried that “Communists” were infiltrating the Bolivian Government, Bolivian diplomats convinced the Eisenhower administration to support their revolution. The dissertation demonstrates that even during the peak of McCarthyism, U.S. policymakers' vision extended far beyond Cold War dogmatism. This vision incorporated a subtle, if ultimately contradictory, appreciation of the power of nationalism, a wish to promote developmental liberalism, and a desire for hemispheric hegemony regardless of strategic and ideological competition with the Soviet Union. U.S. officials were eager to exploit the emerging force of third world nationalism and employ it to strengthen the “inter-American system.” The Bolivian revolutionaries presented their political project as copacetic to Washington’s wider regional goals, and thus managed to secure considerable freedom of movement to continue to pursue a radical revolutionary agenda and statist program of development, financed and enabled by hundreds of millions in U.S. aid dollars.

This dissertation investigates the vocation of politics in the Maratha Empire from the release and restoration of Chhatrapati Shahu Bhonsle in 1708 to the British East India Company’s final victory against the Marathas in 1818. Founded in the mid-seventeenth century by the ambitious general and first Chhatrapati Shivaji Bhonsle, the Maratha Empire encompassed a decentralized web of allied governments stretching from the western Deccan into far-flung parts of the Indian subcontinent. While the Company’s pejorative moniker of “confederacy” has cast a long shadow over historical understanding of the politics of the Maratha state, this dissertation argues that the ascendancy of scribal-bureaucratic networks and their practices of communication enabled Maratha governments to foster a modern diplomatic framework of deliberation, adjudication, and collaboration. The creation of a flexible language and practice of communication transcending linguistic, cultural, religious, and political divisions was the signal achievement of the scribal-bureaucratic networks that increasingly came to dominate politics and government in the eighteenth-century Maratha Empire. Through a case study of individuals and households of the Chandraseniya Kayastha Prabhu sub-caste, this dissertation demonstrates that both non-Brahman and Brahman officials skilled in the arts of verbal and written communication rose from the lower ranks of the Maratha bureaucracy to the highest circles of political decision-making. They not only advanced their socioeconomic claims to wealth, title, and property, but also shaped government agendas, resolved disputes, and forged alliances through the dialogic exchange of oaths, treaties, objects, and sentimental words. Moreover, scribal-bureaucrats drew on this mode of communication to build strategic multilateral coalitions and to pen novel reflections on the meaning and purpose of politics once the dominance of the British East India Company was impossible to ignore. Communicative politics comes into vivid focus through a critical examination of the records and manuscripts that described, evaluated, and enacted relationships between Maratha governments. While the focus is on the critically important governments of Satara, Nagpur, and Pune, close attention is paid to conduits of power, persuasion, and affiliation between them and their rivals and allies in the eighteenth-century Deccan. Over the course of six chapters, this dissertation traces a chronological arc from the re-constitution to the dissolution of Maratha sovereignty as well as a thematic one from the structures and practices, to the personnel, and finally to the shifting meanings of politics. Chapters 1 and 2 explore how the delicate frameworks and practices preserving relationships between governments were made and unmade in the context of Maratha expansion in the Deccan. Turning to the personnel of politics, Chapters 3 and 4 follow the careers of Kayastha Prabhu scribal officials who attained influence at the courts of Satara, Kolhapur, Nagpur, and Baroda. Finally, Chapters 5 and 6 highlight the ways in which the meaning of politics shifted in response to the emergence of Company power. The story of Maratha politics is thus the story of a concatenation of deliberative, pragmatic compromises suited to the realities of a dynamic inter-imperial world.

This thesis examines Britain's foreign policy identity by analysing the use of geopolitical tropes in discursive practices of ontological security-seeking in the British House of Commons since 1949, a period of great change for Britain as it lost its empire and joined NATO and the EC. The Empire was narrated according to a series of geopolitical tropes that I call Island Race identity: insularity from Europe and a universal aspect on world affairs, maintenance of Lines of Communication, antipathy towards Land Powers and the Greater Britain metacommunity. The aim of this thesis is to genealogically historicise and contextualise these tropes through interpretivist analysis of Commons debates concerning a series of events and issues from the establishment of NATO to the current parliament. By conceptualising parliamentary discourse as a social practice involving the fixing of ontologically secure subject positions, it presents a new reading of modern British foreign policy that addresses the traditional neglect of geopolitics and identity in approaches depicting a materially declining state engaging in the pragmatic pursuit of realist national interests. The analysis shows how Britain's foreign policy identity continues to be reliant on the geopolitical constitutions of islandness that discursively defined the empire. This is not indicative of imperial nostalgia so much as it is evidence of how discursive practices of ontological security-seeking in a political environment with a shared debating culture tend to mobilise established identity tropes that have retained relevance even without their imperial underpinnings. Narrations of the Cold War and NATO, relations with the rest of Europe and globalisation are shown to be reliant on Island Race tropes that, through contextual interactions, fix Britain in subject positions of relevance according to how British values, forged by insular geography, are of universal relevance to a world in which Britain is in a pivotal geopolitical position.

This thesis aims to provide a comprehensive analysis of the principle of diplomatic inviolability. The principle of diplomatic inviolability is generally regarded by international law scholars as one of the oldest established principles of international law. The concept of inviolability in contemporary international law contains two distinct aspects: in terms of the duty of the receiving State, the first aspect involves the negative duty of not taking any enforcement action against the inviolable diplomatic premises, diplomatic agents or the diplomatic property, while the second aspect requires the positive duty to protect these premises, personnel and property. The contemporary legal regime governing the principle of diplomatic inviolability can be seen through the core provisions stipulated in the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations 1961. Several controversies can be identified when the authorities of the receiving State face dilemmas of deciding whether the principle of diplomatic inviolability or other norms of international law shall prevail. The dilemmas reveal the conflicts between the principle of diplomatic inviolability and other norms of international law, such as the protection of national security, public safety and human life. In the era of fragmentation of international law, it is not easy for either the authorities of the receiving State or international law scholars to settle the controversies with any straightforward solutions, for the reason that the precedence of diplomatic inviolability would inevitably compromise other norms and vice versa. The thesis examines the concept and theoretical basis of the principle of diplomatic inviolability, explores the historical evolution of the principle, analyses the contemporary legal regime of the principle and the controversies involving the conflicts between the principle and other norms of international law. Finally, the thesis critically reviews the various traditional solutions and proposes several alternative solutions to settle the controversies.

Le travail porte sur les relations diplomatiques et commerciales établies entre Florence et le sultanat mamelouk (Égypte-Syrie), à partir de la troisième décennie du XVe siècle et, époque où les contacts entre les deux puissances s’intensifièrent et où les échanges économiques avec l’Égypte et la Syrie revêtirent pour les deux puissances un caractère important. Même si les ports et les villes côtières du sultanat mamelouk furent fréquentés par des marchands florentins depuis le XIVe siècle, ce ne fut qu’à partir de 1421 que Florence parvint à s’assurer un accès direct à la mer et à posséder ses propres navires. Ce développement conduisit à un changement dans la nature et la fréquence des relations diplomatiques et commerciales entre les deux puissances. Désormais, Florence pouvait prétendre jouer un rôle d’interlocuteur direct avec les sultans et protéger les principaux acteurs de son commerce : les marchands. / The research investigates the diplomatic and commercial relations that were established between Florence and the Mamluk sultanate (Egypt-Syria), during the first half of the 15th century. This is the period when the contacts between the two states intensified and the significance of the economic exchanges between Florence and the Mamluk Empire became important for both powers. Even though the Florentine merchants had been active in the harbors and in the coastal cities of the Mamluk Sultanate since the 14th century, it is only from 1421 that Florence managed to secure a direct outlet to the sea and to have its own ships. This expansion led to a shift in the nature and the frequency of the diplomatic and commercial relations between the two powers: Florence could now pretend to play the role of a direct interlocutor with the sultans and seek to protect the leading actors of its trade: the merchants.

This thesis concentrates on the system of the german economic diplomacy and how this system is applied in the practice. The goal is to characterize how this system is functioning and to define it from three points of view -- its aims, actors and instruments -- and to ilustrate this elements on the example of applying the german economic diplomacy in the Czech republic. The thesis captures the framework for the german economic diplomacy, in general it defines the terms diplomacy, economic diplomacy and spicifies existing organization models of economic diplomacy. It decribes the importance of economic diplomacy in the current foreign policy, concrete in the german foreign economic policy,and concentrates on the significant partial policies and foreign economic relations of Germany to the most important regions in the world. The thesis stresses out the current functioning of the system of the german economic diplomacy in the context of its development. It analyses economic-diplomatic aims in the german foreign economic policy, defines the actors and instruments of the german economic diplomacy. Finally it captures specifics of its applying in the Czech republic.

Esta dissertação consiste na seleção, transcrição e edição crítica de documentos do arquivo do Ministério dos Negócios Estrangeiros do Império do Brasil entre a queda de Pedro I e 1834, com o propósito de desenvolver um instrumento de pesquisa que amplie o acesso a fontes sobre a formação territorial no Estado brasileiro e suas relações exteriores. A dissertação contém um Estudo Introdutório sobre as edições de documentos do Ministério dos Negócios Estrangeiros e sobre as tensões em torno da \"questão portuguesa\", propostas de secessão territorial do Império e ações movidas pela diplomacia para sua prevenção. Para a elaboração do instrumento de pesquisa foram selecionados 113 documentos, entre ofícios e respectivos anexos, expedidos pela missão diplomática do Império do Brasil no Reino Unido da Grã-Bretanha, centro do capitalismo no período / This dissertation consists of a critical edition of documents from the Foreign Affairs Historical Archive that date between the fall of Pedro I and 1834. Additionally, the dissertation includes a introductory study of the featured documents. The purposes of this dissertation is to make available a number of documents on the territorial formation of the Brazilian state through foreign relations. The introductory study explores documentary editions of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the tensions surrounding the \"Portuguese question\", proposals for territorial secession of the Empire, as well as several diplomatic attempts to prevent said secession. This dissertation includes 113 selected letters and their respective annexes, all of which were sent from the Brazilian Empire\'s Embassy in the United Kingdom, which at the time was the center of capitalism

Throughout 2013 the governments of the Austrian Republic and United States of America celebrated the 175th anniversary of diplomatic relations between them. This date marks the accreditation of ambassadors in 1838 but obscures the sixty-year prehistory, begun when the first American envoy reached Vienna in 1778. The Habsburg Monarchy became the last European Great Power to recognise the United States, but the reasons behind this also have eighteenth-century origins. The United States and the successor states to the Habsburg Monarchy, therefore, share a much longer, more complex and deeply entangled history stretching back to the American Revolution. This dissertation focuses on how and why attempts to formalise relations failed between these two states in the revolutionary and post-revolutionary period, something which, until now, has received little historical attention. This dissertation uncovers a neglected but illuminating story of US-Habsburg relations between 1763- 1789. In doing so it demonstrates the evolving nature of early modern diplomacy and the wider international struggle of the American founding. In both regards, this dissertation argues the economic motivation of economic agents and the role of personalities were the new and instrumental factors. What follows is a new history of the broader, much deeper impact of the American Revolution and the transatlantic entanglements of the Habsburg Monarchy. A history of a relationship which looks beyond 'desk diplomacy' and towards a more holistic interpretation of the attempted relations between unlikely states. To this end, this dissertation relies upon a broad base of archival material from personal papers to quantative data from both sides of the Atlantic.

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Specifically oriented towards Russian culture, this study addresses the need in diplomacy for deeper cultural understanding. As research suggests a link between the inclusion of religious perspectives in second language acquisition (SLA) and student motivation and cultural empathy, this study examines how Russian language classrooms could leverage an understanding of Russian religious themes to foster cultural sensitivity. The study invited 24 second-year university students of Russian to complete a previously-validated assessment of cultural sensitivity: the Global Perspectives Inventory (GPI). Divided into a control and a treatment group, the participants also watched a short video depicting a story from Russian history on the interactive video platform, Ayamel. The control group viewed a set of 10 extra-textual annotations containing Russian cultural material highlighting secular themes from Russian culture, while the treatment group reviewed 10 that were more spiritually-themed. After viewing the respective annotations, participants completed a short, open-ended, Video Response Questionnaire (VRQ), and completed a GPI post-test. The findings from the VRQ suggested that the video intervention tended to challenge participants' previous perceptions of Russia, noted a general increase in positive, self-reported perspectives of Russian culture, and revealed a tendency in the treatment group to more often portray Russia as a multi-faceted, rather than monolithic, cultural entity. The comparison of the GPI pre-test and post-test scores revealed an inverse interaction between the collective scores of the control and treatment groups on two questions gauging affective responses to culture. For each of these questions on the post-test, the treatment group's collective score slightly increased and the control group's collective score slightly fell.The findings suggest that interaction with religious themes in SLA may promote feelings of commonality and empathy with a foreign culture. As the relative, religious homogeneity of the sample constitutes a threat to the external validity of this study, the researchers invite similar tests to be conducted in SLA among different population types.