Immediately after the outbreak of the World War, Great Britain, France and Japan cut the German submarine cables which were situated in the different oceans of the world. The study of the submarine cables during the World War and its aftermath is a complex problem. To understand the post-war negotiations, previous international agreements, treaties and the ownership, operation and financing of the cables must be understood.

This thesis examines the facts surrounding General Arthur C. Wedemeyer's time in China and attempts to dispel some of the myths surrounding Chinese-American relations.

Throughout the 16th and 17th centuries, both Austria and Persia were each repeatedly at war with the Ottoman Turks. Diplomats travelled between the two countries in an attempt to forge an alliance against their common enemy. Although the alliance never materialized the relationship broadened to cover other concerns. Despite cultural differences, both countries tried to work together and approached each-other as equals. Contact between the countries exposed both cultures to wider influences. Their changing relationship illustrates the priorities of both parties. This thesis, for the first time, uses primary sources to view the evolution of the relationship over the two century reign of the Safavid dynasty. It charts the course of their diplomatic relationship, examines the turning point in this relationship, and explores why the alliance both sides wanted never materialized. By examining Austria's diplomatic initiatives to the east this thesis helps correct the historiographical imbalance in central European history of concentration on only European affairs, and shows that their understanding of the east was more nuanced than is often credited.

The main objective of the thesis is to analyze the Malvinas war. The theoretical part deals with international conflicts in general. It classifies the conflicts, its stages and presents conception of preventive diplomacy. The practical part deals with the Malvinas war itself. It presents Argentinian and British point of view and explains historical contexts. It seeks to provide coherent arguments of Argentinian rights and argues with Brtish view-point eventhough the Malvinas are currently under British supremacy.

Thesis advisor: Robert S. Ross / Traditional theories of foreign policy that focus on external threats, domestic politics, and ideology explain why a great power exerts pressures or seeks compromises with one weaker neighbor, but they do not adequately address the fact that a great power usually deals with several weaker powers in a region. This dissertation explores new and important questions: Why does a great power sometimes treat multiple weaker neighbors in generally the same way, but sometimes attempts to differentiate among weaker neighbors through selective concessions or targeted coercion? In other words, why does a great power adopt uniform strategies or selective strategies? The dissertation introduces a Regional Competitor Approach, arguing that the number of regional competitors and their respective alignment relationships determine whether a great power deals with weaker powers under a sweeping general strategy or adopts distinctive policies toward them. If there is one regional competitor, a great power adopts uniform strategies towards weaker non-allies to convey a consistent message to the competitor, but selective strategies towards weaker allies to solve collective action problems. If the number of regional competitors increases , a great power adopts selective strategies towards weaker non-allies to maintain its power advantages vis-à-vis the weaker powers, but uniform strategies towards weaker allies to solve commitment problems. The dissertation elaborates new concepts, develops a new approach against competing theories, and challenges existing historical accounts based upon newly available evidence. The dissertation examines four cases: (a) China’s East Asia policy, 1955-1965; (b) China’s South Asia policy, 1955-1963; (c) China’s Indochina policy, 1962-1975; and (d) French, German, and Russian strategies toward Eastern Europe, 1919-1941. In the first three cases, I seek to explain how the United States and the Soviet Union shaped China’s asymmetric statecraft in Cold War Asia. The final case allows me to compare and contrast the approaches of China and European great powers. The above case studies draw upon a wealth of evidence from American, Chinese, German and Russian archives. Unpublished archives include the Chinese Foreign Ministry Archive, provincial or municipal archives in China, Nixon and Ford Presidential Libraries, NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) Archives, and libraries in China and North America. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2016. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Political Science.

Esta dissertação consiste na seleção, transcrição e edição crítica de documentos do arquivo do Ministério dos Negócios Estrangeiros do Império do Brasil entre a queda de Pedro I e 1834, com o propósito de desenvolver um instrumento de pesquisa que amplie o acesso a fontes sobre a formação territorial no Estado brasileiro e suas relações exteriores. A dissertação contém um Estudo Introdutório sobre as edições de documentos do Ministério dos Negócios Estrangeiros e sobre as tensões em torno da \"questão portuguesa\", propostas de secessão territorial do Império e ações movidas pela diplomacia para sua prevenção. Para a elaboração do instrumento de pesquisa foram selecionados 113 documentos, entre ofícios e respectivos anexos, expedidos pela missão diplomática do Império do Brasil no Reino Unido da Grã-Bretanha, centro do capitalismo no período / This dissertation consists of a critical edition of documents from the Foreign Affairs Historical Archive that date between the fall of Pedro I and 1834. Additionally, the dissertation includes a introductory study of the featured documents. The purposes of this dissertation is to make available a number of documents on the territorial formation of the Brazilian state through foreign relations. The introductory study explores documentary editions of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the tensions surrounding the \"Portuguese question\", proposals for territorial secession of the Empire, as well as several diplomatic attempts to prevent said secession. This dissertation includes 113 selected letters and their respective annexes, all of which were sent from the Brazilian Empire\'s Embassy in the United Kingdom, which at the time was the center of capitalism

O tema proposto para estudo é investigar, delimitar e compreender os graus de autonomia e interferência existentes dentro do Itamaraty durante o regime militar brasileiro. O objeto central da análise é, para tanto, a vida, carreira e atuação do ex-membro do corpo diplomático brasileiro, Antônio Francisco Azeredo da Silveira, Ministro das Relações Exteriores durante o governo de Ernesto Geisel, entre 1974-1979. As fontes utilizadas são basicamente o arquivo pessoal do diplomata disponibilizado e digitalizado pelo CPDOC/FGV além de documentação oficial da Comissão Nacional da Verdade disponível online, também são consultados periódicos. A base teórica parte de David do Nascimento Batista que aponta como Habitus Diplomático sendo capaz de indicar a reformulação de práticas pela qual o Itamaraty passou durante o regime militar, entretanto, sem encerrar a discussão sobre autonomia e identidade nacional dentro do Ministério das Relações Exteriores, a pesquisa procura ajudar a preencher uma lacuna na historiografia brasileira no que diz respeito a atuação diplomática brasileira durante o regime militar. / The subject proposed for study in this research is to investigate, delimitate and understand the different levels of autonomy and interference that existed inside the Itamaraty during the brazilian dictatorship. The main object of analysis is the life, career and performance of an ex-member of the brazilian diplomacy, Antônio Azeredo da Silveira, Foreign Relations Minister during the administration of Ernesto Geisel, in the years of 1974-1979. The sources used in this investigation are basically the Personal Archive of the diplomat, avaiable and digitalized at CPDOC/FGV. Besides that, are also used offical documents of the Comissão Nacional da Verdade avaiable online, were consulted as well some periodics and secundary sources. The theorical basis have as fundamental mark what David do Nascimento Batista points out as Habitus Diplomático being capable of indicate an reformulation of practices wich Itamaraty had been through during the dictatorship, nevertheless, do not put an end in the discussion about autonomy and national identity. This research intends to help to fullfill an important blank in the brazilian historiography about the performance of the brazilian diplomacy during the dictatorship.

This thesis presents a case study of small state diplomacy. It investigates the international approaches of Guyana from 1966 to 1992, to the territorial controversy with Venezuela. The Anglo-Venezuelan dispute over the boundary with British Guiana was settled by arbitration in 1899, but was reopened in 1962. British Guiana gained its independence in May 1966, after an agreement was signed in Geneva, which designated the once settled dispute a "controversy". The foreign policy strategies deployed by Guyana demonstrate the extent to which a small state can effectively utilize diplomacy. The thesis challenges those interpretations which have viewed Guyana's foreign policy mainly in terms of a mechanism used by the government to secure legitimacy. Such arguments fail to consider the multifaceted characteristic of foreign policy and the threat to Guyana's territorial integrity from the more powerful Venezuela. It is contended that it would be more accurate to state that during periods of tensions with Venezuela, preservation of the Guyanese state was the principal goal of foreign policy. When relations improved, this goal was of continued importance, but other goals became prominent. The thesis analyses Guyanese-Venezuelan relations as Caracas pursued its claim. It evaluates Guyana's international response as its main defence strategy, given that state's military and economic weaknesses vis-a-vis Venezuela. It assesses the effectiveness of Burnham's vitriolic diplomacy 1966-1985 and the more subtle form during the Hoyte administration, 1985-1992. An examination of the foreign ministries' archives in London, Washington, Caracas and Port-of-Spain was conducted to gain insights into the interaction of the of the dispute's re-emergence and cold war concerns over Guyana. The measures taken by the USA, Britain, Brazil and Trinidad and Tobago to ensure that Venezuelan action did not affect Burnham's rule are revealed. Burnham's role in the signing of the 1966 Geneva Agreement is also explored.

This dissertation examines the methods, influence, and effectiveness of clergy peacebuilders in Northern Ireland during the violent conflict known as "The Troubles," through the signing of the peace agreement and the first decade post-agreement. Twenty-one clergy, all committed to ameliorating the conflict, were interviewed once for approximately ninety minutes regarding their theological motivations, activism efforts, constraints, and perceived effectiveness. Interviewees include eight Methodist, eight Church of Ireland, three Roman Catholic, one Presbyterian, one ecumenical order, and one evangelical parachurch clergy. Analysis of the interviews revealed strong theological similarities of inclusivity and dedication to living one's beliefs despite denominational differences; however, clergy expressed a range of views on Manichaeism and pacifism/Just War theory. They also experienced a range of direct and indirect violence. These factors increased their perceived risk of activism and shaped their ministerial approach and effectiveness. The context of conflict, which predisposes parishioners to prefer certain leadership styles, and clergy access to expert, referent, and legitimate power also affected clergy influence and activism. The study argues that, as a whole, activist clergy possess a particularly favorable platform for successful outgroup exposure due to high group salience and boundary de-emphasis. Typical clergy peacebuilding activities influence individuals, structures, and communities. Also, clergy influence through indirect outgroup contact, ripple effects, and synergism, decreases hostility and increases the possibilities of achieving peace. Clergy use of "soft power" lets them operate in a democratic deficit, helps build trust, improves the quality of negotiations and agreements, ameliorates identity conflict, and enhances stability. This study, the first conducted among a range of activist clergy in Northern Ireland, concludes that in order to optimize peace efforts, secular interest groups should cooperate with clergy peacebuilders. Moreover, denominations and seminaries should consciously augment clergy expert, referent, and legitimate power and reduce clergy fears of perceived professional risk resulting from activism. The thesis adds to Peace/Conflict studies by providing in-depth insight into the various capabilities, constraints, and the significance of civil society/religious peacebuilders.

This thesis examines how the Amazigh diaspora, networked in France's Amazigh cultural associations, village committees and political movements, constructs an imaginative geography of North Africa, which they call Tamazgha, and the implications this has for this emergent and diverse group. It sets out to theorise and understand the political geographies of this diasporic social movement in the contemporary moment. It does so by approaching the Amazigh diaspora as its primary object of research within a relational, multiscalar analysis of its geopolitics. This thesis contributes to the subdiscipline of political geography as well as Amazigh studies. Drawing on ethnographic and documentary methods, including an experimental methodology for the digital sphere, it outlines the major themes of the diasporic Amazigh movement's relationship to space and place; making the diaspora, articulating indigeneity, negotiating citizenship and accommodating nativism. It analyses facets of Amazigh diaspora politics at times as a nation, at others as a social movement, finding a productive interaction between these two concepts. It is both an imagined community of people who claim to share a common language and culture and a political movement entraining activists, members and political parties in the pursuit of political change. As an Indigenous people, it is both a transnational social movement calling on the states where they live to uphold the rights of their Amazigh populations, and also a nation with a flag, asserting its claim to sovereignty, however limited. The diaspora associations frame themselves as a social movement championing diverse citizenship and integration in French society, whilst homeland-oriented citizenship is mostly expressed in nationalistic terms. This thesis charts how the politics of this diasporic Amazigh movement contest and produce spatial imaginations in the contemporary context of Mediterranean integration, new nationalisms and populisms, and the fear of Islamist terrorism in French society. With its focus on the political and imaginative geographies of the diasporic Amazigh movement, the thesis is organised topically, elaborating on different facets of political subjectivities in four substantive chapters that focus on the core themes of diaspora, indigeneity, citizenship and nativism. Chapter 2 provides an historical and sociological context for the study, and Chapter 3 details its methodology. Chapter 4 examines diaspora as a geopolitical concept, understood on the one hand as like a social movement and on the other as like a nation. It presents an understanding of diaspora 'as process' or 'assemblage' that constantly reworks the boundaries of nation, state, community and identity, within an imaginative geography of 'home'. Chapter 5 picks up from here to focus on how indigeneity is articulated as a political positioning in the diasporic Amazigh movement. Drawing on Stuart Hall's terminology to theorise the politics of indigeneity in relation to place, it outlines several Indigenous articulations made in the discourse and practices of the leaders and members of diasporic Amazigh associations. Chapter 6 focuses on the discourses and practices of citizenship, which in the diaspora intersect, overlap and produce transnational spaces. Drawing out an empirical distinction between 'diaspora-oriented' and 'homeland-oriented' citizenships, the chapter details how citizenship practices in relation to French state and society can be understood as 'ordinary' whilst those in relation to North African state(s) and society are characterised more as performative 'Acts'. Finally, chapter 7 homes in on Amazigh politics in the current context of increasingly influential nativist-populism in France and across Europe.