This minor thesis examines whether or not the Australian Defence Force (ADF) needs an indigenous aircraft structural testing program for military aircraft. Aircraft structural testing is a major test and evaluation activity currently undertaken by the DSTO to provide structural integrity information about particular aircraft for the ADF. The ADF has required this testing to be undertaken because, in general terms, testing undertaken by an aircraft's manufacturer has not been sufficient to meet the needs of the ADF. The research was divided into five sub-problems, which examined the need for aircraft structural testing, the management of these needs, what structural testing is required, how the testing should be managed and how the testing should be conducted. The research was undertaken by conducting five case studies into past, current and future aircraft structural tests being undertaken by the DSTO. The cases examined were the F/A-18 International Follow-On Structural Test Project, the P-3 service life assessment program, the F-111 wing test, the Hawk lead-in fighter full-scale fatigue test and the potential test program for the joint strike fighter (JSF). The basis of the case studies was the conduct of a series of interviews of the DSTO staff relevant to each case being examined. The information gathered through the interviews was supported by material gathered through making observations and reviewing documentation relevant to each case. The research concluded that an indigenous aircraft testing program is required by the ADF in order to maintain the structural integrity of its aircraft fleet. This minor thesis makes some recommendations for the way aircraft structural testing is conducted by the ADF, and the way general management of T & E in the Department of Defence could be improved. / Thesis (MEng(TestandEvaluation))--University of South Australia, 2004

The principal sanctuaries of Attica outside the asty were situated in strategically important positions at the territorial limits of Athens. It will be argued that the sanctuaries placed on the frontiers of Attica were important nodes in the social construction, expression and implementation of Athenian territoriality. Sanctuaries which accommodated polis-level cults outside the urban centre provided the Athenians with a highly visible means of demarcating and communicating the extent of their territorial sovereignty. These religious sites developed in a visually conspicuous manner at a time when the territorial and social boundaries between the Athenians and neighbouring communities were crystallising. From an early stage in the development of the sanctuary sites of Attica, they played an instrumental role in defining the extent of Athenian territory, a space imbued with meaning in terms of claims of sovereignty and membership within the Athenian community. During the Archaic period, the border sanctuaries of Attica and the cults which they accommodated were elaborated, augmenting Athenian claims to contested borderlands and enhancing the prestige of the polis. The relative ranking and status of Athens in her interpolis relations was thereby enhanced, allowing the Athenians to reduce the threat of invasion of the chora. Following the Persian Wars, the sanctuaries continued to disseminate messages of the power and status of Athens, now hegemon of the Delian League. The structures and rites of the border sanctuaries reified the hegemonic power of Athens. When, during the long and bitter conflict of the Peloponnesian War, it became necessary to control the points of access into Athenian territory along the coastline, Rhamnous and Sounion were fortified. In the Late Classical period, the military role of a number of these sanctuaries was institutionalised. Fortification walls were augmented and refurbished and ephebic involvement in rites and festivals attested the close connection between religious and military activity.

The principal sanctuaries of Attica outside the asty were situated in strategically important positions at the territorial limits of Athens. It will be argued that the sanctuaries placed on the frontiers of Attica were important nodes in the social construction, expression and implementation of Athenian territoriality. Sanctuaries which accommodated polis-level cults outside the urban centre provided the Athenians with a highly visible means of demarcating and communicating the extent of their territorial sovereignty. These religious sites developed in a visually conspicuous manner at a time when the territorial and social boundaries between the Athenians and neighbouring communities were crystallising. From an early stage in the development of the sanctuary sites of Attica, they played an instrumental role in defining the extent of Athenian territory, a space imbued with meaning in terms of claims of sovereignty and membership within the Athenian community. During the Archaic period, the border sanctuaries of Attica and the cults which they accommodated were elaborated, augmenting Athenian claims to contested borderlands and enhancing the prestige of the polis. The relative ranking and status of Athens in her interpolis relations was thereby enhanced, allowing the Athenians to reduce the threat of invasion of the chora. Following the Persian Wars, the sanctuaries continued to disseminate messages of the power and status of Athens, now hegemon of the Delian League. The structures and rites of the border sanctuaries reified the hegemonic power of Athens. When, during the long and bitter conflict of the Peloponnesian War, it became necessary to control the points of access into Athenian territory along the coastline, Rhamnous and Sounion were fortified. In the Late Classical period, the military role of a number of these sanctuaries was institutionalised. Fortification walls were augmented and refurbished and ephebic involvement in rites and festivals attested the close connection between religious and military activity.

J.A. Lyons, Prime Minister of Australia, 1932-39, presided over twin policies of conciliation and rearmament in a search for peace. The thesis discusses his individual world-view, one chiefly constructed on principles of consensus, and analyses the foreign and defence policies of his government, thereby re-evaluating suggestions that Lyons was chiefly interested in only domestic policy. / The foreign policy of the Lyons years was primarily directed at the Asian-Pacific region, especially at Japan. It consisted of an Australian variety of ‘cunctation’, superseded by the variety of ‘appeasement’ found in the Australian Eastern Mission of 1934, arguably the first time that appeasement was applied in East Asia and the first of three significant external policy initiatives of the Lyons years. Lyons himself lobbied in favour of appeasement in the broader imperial context from 1935, recognising that it needed to be targeted at Rome and Berlin, as well as at Tokyo. Any Australian government could not apply appeasement in Europe directly, in the absence of an Australian diplomatic service, although Lyons sought to advance conciliation through ‘personal diplomacy’ in certain foreign capitals. It was not, however, until the premiership of Chamberlain, after May 1937, that London and Canberra were united in the desire for the application of ‘wider appeasement’, the policy adopted at the 1937 Imperial Conference. At this gathering, Lyons presented a second major initiative, the proposal for a Pacific Pact of non-aggression; his magnum opus and the ultimate opportunity for his regional peacemaking. / The Imperial Conference had also discussed and endorsed measures designed to enhance the process of imperial consultation and once Whitehall subsequently began to apply appeasement in Europe, Lyons was keen to ensure that the voice of his dominion was heard. This was especially so during the first Czech crisis of September 1938 in which, it is argued, Lyons and his appeasing circle sought to play a significant consultative and intermediary role. These efforts seemed to have been rewarded by the climax of European appeasement: the 1938 ‘Munich Pact’. Appeasement was, however, everywhere dissolving from late-1938, as was the mechanism of imperial consultation, and the response of Lyons as prime minister was to initiate the process of establishing an independent Australian diplomatic service, something long considered by his government, but hitherto delayed. This initiative came too late to prevent his reluctant admission of the failure of appeasement, in March 1939. / The policy of conciliation was accompanied from the beginning of the Lyons years by a muscular defence policy. That policy involved five separate rearmament programs, September 1933-December 1938. Although mindful of imperial needs, this policy was chiefly directed at the requirements of home defence and the Lyons government remained wary of the Singapore strategy. Lyons’s character was stamped on it by his decisive opposition to conscription, 1938-39. Although it was his misfortune, as a leading Australian appeaser, that conciliation was everywhere overshadowed by rearmament, the considerable defensive preparations of the Lyons years ensured that a sufficient state of readiness was attained to match the hostile scenarios envisaged in defence planning after 1932. The attempts made to secure a level of joint, imperial defence planning, however, resulted in failure. / In its examination of the foreign and defence policies of the 1930s this thesis augments the revision underway in current scholarship. It demonstrates that an identifiable Australian foreign policy existed and that it was chiefly a regional one - even if the application of that policy was retarded by the absence of a diplomatic structure and by the consequent reliance on London. It nonetheless adhered to the patterns of external policy that had evolved since Federation. When combined with an examination of the robust defence measures of these years, Lyons emerges as a vigorous premier with a clear vision of Australia’s place in the world. It is argued that the search for peace of the ‘Tame Tasmanian’, 1932-39, was sustained and considerable.

This minor thesis examines whether or not the Australian Defence Force (ADF) needs an indigenous aircraft structural testing program for military aircraft. Aircraft structural testing is a major test and evaluation activity currently undertaken by the DSTO to provide structural integrity information about particular aircraft for the ADF. The ADF has required this testing to be undertaken because, in general terms, testing undertaken by an aircraft's manufacturer has not been sufficient to meet the needs of the ADF. The research was divided into five sub-problems, which examined the need for aircraft structural testing, the management of these needs, what structural testing is required, how the testing should be managed and how the testing should be conducted. The research was undertaken by conducting five case studies into past, current and future aircraft structural tests being undertaken by the DSTO. The cases examined were the F/A-18 International Follow-On Structural Test Project, the P-3 service life assessment program, the F-111 wing test, the Hawk lead-in fighter full-scale fatigue test and the potential test program for the joint strike fighter (JSF). The basis of the case studies was the conduct of a series of interviews of the DSTO staff relevant to each case being examined. The information gathered through the interviews was supported by material gathered through making observations and reviewing documentation relevant to each case. The research concluded that an indigenous aircraft testing program is required by the ADF in order to maintain the structural integrity of its aircraft fleet. This minor thesis makes some recommendations for the way aircraft structural testing is conducted by the ADF, and the way general management of T & E in the Department of Defence could be improved. / Thesis (MEng(TestandEvaluation))--University of South Australia, 2004

Diss. (sammanfattning) Alnarp : Sveriges lantbruksuniversitet, 2007. / Härtill 4 uppsatser.

Diss. (sammanfattning) Uppsala : Sveriges lantbruksuniv., 2008. / Härtill 3 uppsatser.

No description available.

The debate about leader characteristics continues yet understanding leadership is very important for selection, promotion and leadership development. The purpose of the study was to find out if a link existed between extraversion, emotional quotient (EQ), leadership position and years of experience as a leader. A quantitative study with a questionnaire, which included Jung Personality Questionnaire and Ryback’s Emotional Quotient Executive survey was administered to military personnel at Thaba Tshwane Military Area in Pretoria, which is the military headquarters of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF). Respondents were selected randomly from the ranks of Corporal to Generals. The results revealed that there is no correlation between extraversion and emotional intelligence. Results also show that more males were introverted while more females were extraverted. It can therefore be concluded that people who are extraverted do not necessarily have high levels of EQ. Extraversion did not present as a dominant characteristic in the leaders of the sample group with just over half presenting with higher levels of extraversion. With regard to emotional intelligence, the majority of respondents showed high levels of Emotional Intelligence. In terms of EQ, one could probably reason that introverts are better at self-awareness and more reflective of feelings and relationships, while extraverts are better at expressing feelings and taking overt action to build relations. However, further research on this is required. The study therefore places emphasises the role of EQ in leadership.

Magister Commercii (Industrial Psychology) - MCom(IPS) / Job satisfaction and organisational commitment are two of the most researched organisational behaviour constructs. It is generally agreed that low levels of satisfaction or commitment may result in employees voluntarily ceasing the employee-organisation relationship which results in organisations loosing professional and skilled individuals, which is a potentially crippling factor within any organisation, particularly Governmental Departments who relying on specialist and highly trained and skilled employees. The current study examined the organisational commitment, the level of job satisfaction and the relationship between satisfaction and commitment of fully functionally qualified permanent contract male and female officers on salary Grade C2 to Grade C6, extending across all occupational divisions and classes, namely operational, personnel, logistics, engineering and technical. The sampling technique used was a quantitative non-probability convenience sampling design with the sample consisting of 62 commissioned officers. The majority of the respondents were African with the sample being more representative of males than females. The majority of the respondents were married and between the age of 22 to 29 having at least a 3 year degree or diploma and from the operational occupational class. The respondent’s levels of satisfaction were measured by means of the Job Descriptive Index Questionnaire which measured the five job facets, namely pay, promotion, supervision, co-workers and the nature of work. The study found that respondents were moderately satisfied with their promotion opportunities, followed by the pay they receive. They were however, less satisfied with the supervision they receive, their co-workers and the work itself. Affective, continuance and normative commitment was assessed by means of the Organizational Commitment Scale. The findings of the study found that the respondents had below average levels of organisational commitment across all three components as well as overall commitment. Furthermore, results derived from the research indicated that there was a statistically significant and strong positive correlation between organisational commitment and job satisfaction. Additionally, the results of the study regarding differences between selected demographic variables and the core dependent and independent variable found that there was no statistically significant difference for organisational commitment or job satisfaction scores between males and females and tenure. There was however a statistically significant difference in organisational commitment and job satisfaction for different occupational classes.