This thesis deals with the circumstances that lead to a fragmented implementation of post-conflict justice and security reforms and their negative impact on institutional capacity to provide justice and security for citizens. It strenghtens the existing critique of SSR by employing liberal peacebuilding critique to examine the development of the SSR agenda within the security-development nexus mainstream and the difficulties in learning from SSR experience. The main research question concerns the factors affecting the coherence and sequencing of justice and security system reforms, and is addressed through a case study of Mozambique. The analysis identifies power dynamics surrounding formal and informal interactions that impact institutional change, and showcase the vulnerability of justice and security system reforms to co-optation by powerful international and national players. Throughout, patterns of critical juncture and path dependence are identified that have influenced the adaptation of powerful local players to external and domestic pressures which resulted in political and institutional bricolage. The thesis also looks at how the sequencing of Mozambique’s triple transition, in which economic liberalisation prevailed over peacebuilding and democratisation, shaped the post-civil war direction and pace of the defence, police and justice reforms. The 1992 peace agreement and the public sector reform programme are investigated with regards to the failure of driving substantive SSR and of imparting it coherence and sequencing in the short, medium and longer term. Finally, lessons are proposed for future reform in Mozambique, and recommendations are drawn for improving the design of strategy and implementation of SSR in general. / Portuguese Foundation of Science and Technology

All animals face a complex environment full of obstacles that they must overcome in order to survive and reproduce. How an individual responds to its environment is essential to overcoming such obstacles in order to maximize fitness. In my thesis, I focused on the roles of persistence and aggression in achieving fitness-relevant goals. Persistence is continuing in a course of action in spite of difficulty or resistance, and aggression is any instance where an individual uses physical, and potentially damaging, force against a conspecific. I used fruit flies (Drosophila melanogaster) as a model system to examine the ways in which males use persistence and aggression to attain fitness-relevant goals such as defending resources, gaining access to females, and mating. I first examined how a male’s age affected his persistence in courting recently mated females, who are generally unreceptive, and found that older males were more persistent than younger males (Chapter 2). Next, I showed that males of different ages differed in their courtship persistence in the presence of a competitor, and that males were able to subtly, but directly, interfere with one another’s courtship attempts (Chapter 3). I then demonstrated how males were able to use aggression in a mate guarding context to reduce the likelihood that a competitor male mated with their recent mate (Chapter 4), and as a form of resource defense to defend a desirable food patch in the presence of a potential mate (Chapter 5). Finally, I considered male persistence in the pursuit of unreceptive females as a form of male sexual aggression towards recently mated and sexually immature females (Chapters 5 and 6). Overall, my thesis work demonstrates how complex, and sometimes intertwined, the roles of persistence, aggression, and sexual coercion can be even within a ‘simple’ model organism, such as the fruit fly. / Dissertation / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / All animals face obstacles from their environment that they must respond to in order to survive and reproduce. In this thesis, I focused on how males use aggressive and persistent behaviours to overcome environmental obstacles. Aggression is the use of physical force against another individual, and persistence is when an individual continues in a course of action despite difficulties. I used fruit flies as a model to examine how males fight with one another over access to food and potential mates. I also studied how males persistently harass females in order to mate with them. In many experiments, I found that males use a combination of aggressive and persistent behaviours to achieve a goal. Overall, my results show that even in a simple species like fruit flies, individuals can use complex combinations of behaviours to achieve a variety of goals.

The public sector in Australia, as in other western countries, has been accused in recent times of being too costly, too rigid, inefficient and ineffective. What is apparently needed is a public sector that is smaller, less costly, more efficient and more effective. The search for alternative and better ways to organise and undertake work to meet these reform objectives is at the heart of the rapid expansion of Competitive Tendering and Contracting (CTC) within the public sector in the last two decades. But increased reliance on government contracting does not always lead to outsourcing. Some government agencies allow, indeed encourage, their current employees to also bid for the work on offer by including an In-House Option (IHO) within their CTC processes. In a number of cases these IHOs have been selected ahead of their commercial competitors. IHOs are effectively internal tenders that, if selected, must be implemented by work areas within the confines of the policies and practices of their parent organisation. The reasons commonly expressed in support of IHOs are to do with addressing the potentially problematic aspects of organisational review and possible outsourcing, and to assist the parent organisation achieve its reform intentions in the most effective and least disruptive manner possible. This research examined the achievements of six IHOs within the Australian Defence Organisation. It also asked what can be learned from their experiences? The findings show that IHOs can contribute to reform and enhance the effectiveness of CTC processes but that these achievements come at a price�borne primarily by the staff who work within selected IHOs. IHOs add to the competition of CTC exercises. They also act as an insurance policy against being caught with no reasonable bids and offer a benchmark against which to assess unknown bids. But competition can also focus bidders on doing what is necessary to win rather than what is best for an organisation or its staff. Having IHOs increases the uncertainty for staff about their future employment while at the same times raising expectations that if they can be successful they will be able to make changes and improve their work areas. This research has shown that this does not always occur and staff can find the whole experience frustrating and demoralising. Organisations that include IHOs within their CTC methodologies need to assist them if they are to have the best opportunity to propose new and innovative ways of working. And they must be prepared for the possibility that their IHOs could win. Selected IHOs need support to successfully implement changes, and as the IHOs examined here have shown, they can make significant improvements in work practices and more efficient use of resources if given the chance.

<p>Försvarsmakten har sedan sekelskiftet gått ifrån att vara ett invasionsförsvar till att bli ett insatsförsvar. Under denna omvandling har Försvarsmakten blivit allt mindre och fått en mer internationell inriktning. Förband har lagts ned, personal sagts upp och materiel skrotats. Författaren är intresserad av att se hur detta har påverkat Försvarsmakten som en samhällsresurs.</p><p>Problemet som ställs i uppsatsen är huruvida regeringen har anpassat Försvarsmaktens uppgift att stärka det svenska samhället vid svåra påfrestningar i fred, mot bakgrund av den omvandling som skett. Syftet med denna uppsats är sålunda att undersöka och jämföra om uppgiften att stärka det svenska samhället vid svåra påfrestningar i fred har förändrats, utvecklats eller anpassats till det nya insatsförsvaret som Sverige har idag.</p><p>Som metod används en komparativ och kvalitativ textanalys av utvalda propositioner, departementsserier och regleringsbrev. De fakta i dokumenten som berör uppsatsämnet analyseras och jämförs, för att sedan sammanfattas och diskuteras. </p><p>Resultatet i uppsatsen påvisar att regeringen inte har ändrat uppgiften att stärka det svenska samhället vid svåra påfrestningar i fred, som ställs till Försvarsmakten. Men det påvisar även att en kontinuerlig anpassning av uppgiften sker i form av ett samarbete med andra myndigheter, denna utveckling kan följas på olika sätt i de utvalda källorna.</p><p>Författaren har dragit slutsatser kring det presenterade resultatet och kommit fram till att regeringen inte behövt ändra uppgiften. Men för att kunna effektivisera utnyttjandet av de resurser som Försvarsmakten kan tillföra vid svåra påfrestningar bör regeringen utveckla och precisera hur Försvarsmakten skall utnyttjas med störst effektivitet.</p> / <p>The Swedish Armed Forces has, since the turn of the century, transformed from an invasion defence to a type of mission oriented defence. This means that the Swedish armed forces have become smaller in volume, material has been terminated, a lot of personnel have been terminated and the amount of conscripts heavily reduced. The author is interested in how this has affected the Swedish armed force as recourse to the Swedish society.</p><p>Before and under the transformation, one of the Swedish armed forces duties has been to strengthen the Swedish society when hard tensions have emerged in peacetime. This duty has been presented in the regulations that the Swedish government give to the Swedish Armed Forces every year.  The duty is also one of the duties presented in the regulation that controls the Swedish Armed Forces activities.</p><p>The problem that is presented in the essay is how the Swedish government has adjusted this duty to the Swedish Armed Forces with this transformation in mind. The purpose of this essay is therefore to investigate and compare if the duties have been changed, developed and/or adjusted to the new Swedish armed forces as it is today.</p><p>The result of this paper shows that the government has not changed the duty to strengthen the society when hard tensions come. However, it also shows that there is a continuing adjustment to the duty in form of cooperation with other authorities. This development can be seen in different ways in the varying sources that have been presented in the essay.</p><p>The author has drawn some conclusions concerning the presented results and reached a conclusion that the government does not have to change the duty. It can be preserved as it is today. In order to use the resources that the Swedish armed forces contribute more efficiently, the government has to develop and specify how the Swedish armed forces can be used with the greatest efficiency.</p>

Försvarsmakten har sedan sekelskiftet gått ifrån att vara ett invasionsförsvar till att bli ett insatsförsvar. Under denna omvandling har Försvarsmakten blivit allt mindre och fått en mer internationell inriktning. Förband har lagts ned, personal sagts upp och materiel skrotats. Författaren är intresserad av att se hur detta har påverkat Försvarsmakten som en samhällsresurs. Problemet som ställs i uppsatsen är huruvida regeringen har anpassat Försvarsmaktens uppgift att stärka det svenska samhället vid svåra påfrestningar i fred, mot bakgrund av den omvandling som skett. Syftet med denna uppsats är sålunda att undersöka och jämföra om uppgiften att stärka det svenska samhället vid svåra påfrestningar i fred har förändrats, utvecklats eller anpassats till det nya insatsförsvaret som Sverige har idag. Som metod används en komparativ och kvalitativ textanalys av utvalda propositioner, departementsserier och regleringsbrev. De fakta i dokumenten som berör uppsatsämnet analyseras och jämförs, för att sedan sammanfattas och diskuteras.  Resultatet i uppsatsen påvisar att regeringen inte har ändrat uppgiften att stärka det svenska samhället vid svåra påfrestningar i fred, som ställs till Försvarsmakten. Men det påvisar även att en kontinuerlig anpassning av uppgiften sker i form av ett samarbete med andra myndigheter, denna utveckling kan följas på olika sätt i de utvalda källorna. Författaren har dragit slutsatser kring det presenterade resultatet och kommit fram till att regeringen inte behövt ändra uppgiften. Men för att kunna effektivisera utnyttjandet av de resurser som Försvarsmakten kan tillföra vid svåra påfrestningar bör regeringen utveckla och precisera hur Försvarsmakten skall utnyttjas med störst effektivitet. / The Swedish Armed Forces has, since the turn of the century, transformed from an invasion defence to a type of mission oriented defence. This means that the Swedish armed forces have become smaller in volume, material has been terminated, a lot of personnel have been terminated and the amount of conscripts heavily reduced. The author is interested in how this has affected the Swedish armed force as recourse to the Swedish society. Before and under the transformation, one of the Swedish armed forces duties has been to strengthen the Swedish society when hard tensions have emerged in peacetime. This duty has been presented in the regulations that the Swedish government give to the Swedish Armed Forces every year.  The duty is also one of the duties presented in the regulation that controls the Swedish Armed Forces activities. The problem that is presented in the essay is how the Swedish government has adjusted this duty to the Swedish Armed Forces with this transformation in mind. The purpose of this essay is therefore to investigate and compare if the duties have been changed, developed and/or adjusted to the new Swedish armed forces as it is today. The result of this paper shows that the government has not changed the duty to strengthen the society when hard tensions come. However, it also shows that there is a continuing adjustment to the duty in form of cooperation with other authorities. This development can be seen in different ways in the varying sources that have been presented in the essay. The author has drawn some conclusions concerning the presented results and reached a conclusion that the government does not have to change the duty. It can be preserved as it is today. In order to use the resources that the Swedish armed forces contribute more efficiently, the government has to develop and specify how the Swedish armed forces can be used with the greatest efficiency.

This study was carried out with the intention of examining the defensive mechanism employed against the latest cyber espionage methods including both insider and outsider attacks. The main focus of this study was on web servers as the targets of the cyber attacks. Information in connection to the study was obtained from researchers’ online articles. A survey was also conducted at MidSweden University in order to obtain information about the latest cyber attacks on web servers and about the existing defensive mechanism against such attacks. The existing defensive mechanism was surveyed and a simple design was created to assist in the investigation of the efficiency of the system. Some simple implementations of the existing defensive mechanism were made in order to provide some practical results that were used for the study. The existing defensive mechanism was surveyed and improved upon where possible. The improved defensive mechanism was designed and implemented and its results were compared with the results from the existing defensive mechanism. Due to the fact that the majority of the attackers use defensive mechanisms’ vulnerability in order to find their way into devices such as web servers, it was felt that, even with the most sophisticated improved defensive mechanism in place, it would not be entirely correct to claim that it is possible to fully protect web servers against such attacks.

Stater är de enda legitima enskilda aktörerna i det internationella systemet. Varje enskild statsträvar alltid att främja sina egna säkerhetsintressen liksom handelspolitiska och kulturellaintressen och staten gör detta genom olika medel som t.ex. diplomati och ekonomi för att baranämna några. Men utöver dessa medel har staten alltid haft förmågan att utöva våldsmakt bådemot andra stater och sina egna invånare. Våldsutövandet har också varit grunden för den modernastaten. Krigföring och våldsutövande har i sin tur givit upphov till en komplex byråkrati,skatteväsende och centralstyre i syfte att effektivare uppnå dessa strävanden. En annan aspekt avstaten har varit dess ständiga strävan att forma allianser i syfte att förbättra sitt säkerhetspolitiskaläge.Estland är en småstat som förväntas uppträda som fullvärdig stat och som sådan har Estland enFörsvarsmakt. Närheten till Ryssland gör att Estland använder stora resurser för att bygga upp sinFörsvarsmakt. En satsning som efter NATO medlemskapet har ifrågasatts av vissa politiker. Detsistnämnda har givit upphov till frågan om varför Estland har en Försvarsmakt. Är det enbart föratt försvara landet mot yttre motståndare eller finns det fler anledningar?Det primära syftet med uppsatsen är att pröva om Charles Tillys statsformeringsteori ocksåstämmer på Estland. Tilly presenterar ett antal faktorer som anses ligga till grund för behovet avförsvarsmakter. Alltså studerar jag om staten Estlands motiveringar för behovet av enförsvarsmakt överensstämmer med Tillys teori. Utöver detta finns ett underordnat syfte sominnebär att diskutera Estlands motiveringar i anslutning till en av dessa faktorer i en större kontext. / States are the only legitimate actors in the international system and are always expected to protecttheir own security, trade, and even cultural interests. They do this through diplomacy andeconomy, just to name some of the tools. However, beyond that, the states have always had theability to exercise violence not only towards other states but, their own population as well.Exercising violence has been a cornerstone of the modern state. The exercising of violence has inturn given rise to a complex bureaucracy, taxation systems and centralisation of power in order toachieve a higher degree of efficiency. Another aspect of the state has always been its endeavourto form alliances with the purpose of improving its security situation.Estonia is a small state, which nevertheless is expected to act as one, and as other states, it has itsdefence forces. The proximity to Russia forces Estonia to use large resources for building-up itsdefence. An effort which has been questioned by certain politicians after Estonia became amember of NATO. The latter has led me to ask, why does Estonia have its own defence forces? Isit only to defend the state against foreign enemies or are there other reasons?The main purpose of this thesis is to test Charles Tilly’s theory about state formation and if it isapplicable to Estonia. Therefore, I will examine if the Estonian state reasoning about theexistence of defence forces corresponds to Charles Tilly’s theoretical model about stateformation. In addition, the purpose of this thesis is to discuss certain aspects of the model andthereby put Estonia into a larger context. / Avdelning: ALB – Slutet Mag. 3 C-upps. Hylla: Upps. ChP 07-09

The South Africa criminal law allows the battered woman to raise a battered woman syndrome defence in the context of non-pathological criminal incapacity. However, there is a need of expert evidence to support such defence for it to succeed in the court of law. Hence, this paper scrutinizes the task of expert evidence in support of the battered woman syndrome in order to reach the extent of its effectiveness. Nevertheless, such evidence is not indispensable but without it, the court hardly gets persuaded resulting into the failure of the defence. The meaning of battered woman syndrome is articulated in the paper as well as the fact that battered woman syndrome defence falls under the defence of non-pathological criminal incapacity. The origin and development of the non-pathological criminal incapacity has also been discussed by comparing it with pathological criminal incapacity which emanates from mental illness while the former does not originate from a mental illness. Psychiatrist are in a better position to understand the latter while psychologists are in a better position to understand the former, hence it is advisable if the court pays more attention or attach more weight to the evidence given by the psychologists if this defence is to succeed and have a brilliant future. Moreover, the possible defences available to the battered woman have been mentioned as well as the cases that used non-pathological criminal incapacity as a defence particularly with regard to the battered woman syndrome defence. Both cases that were successful and unsuccessful have been elaborated. However, the cases that failed with the defence are in large numbers than the successful ones. Although expert evidence is essential to support the battered woman syndrome defence, it is unjustly and unfairly applied on the battered woman who is an accused person in the court leading to the failure of the defence .In short the use of expert evidence has failed in its application as the two professions, law and medicine has failed to make this defence work as they have not reached an agreement concerning the battered woman syndrome defence. In addition, the paper looks at the obstacles linked with the battered woman syndrome defence as well as offering suggestions to be put in place in order to make the use of expert evidence achievable. This can only be done if both the lawyers and mental health professionals come to terms with each other where they are able to understand the battered woman syndrome and the actions which led to the situation where battered woman finds herself as an accused person. Finally, the paper concludes that expert evidence has failed tremendously in its application leading to the failure of the battered woman syndrome defence in the context of non-pathological criminal incapacity. Consequently a lot still needs to be done to protect the women who face numerous obstacles; both personal and legal as they do not face justice in court and everyone must take part to put an end to battering of women which is inhuman and morally wrong. / Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / Public Law / unrestricted

The Swedish Defence bill of 2015 demonstrated a rapid change in policy objectives, consequently moving away from an expeditionary force and converging into a territorial defence force. Previous research has attributed and explained the quick shift to the geostrategic unbalance that followed after the illegal annexation of Crimea in 2014. Yet, major policy changes are often years in the making, indicating that there must be additional explanations to the rapid shift. By applying a modified version of John Kingdon’s (2011) Multiple Streams Framework on the case of Sweden changing its security and defence policy, this thesis examines the policy process that preceded the official policy decision. The thesis provides further explanation to why the rapid policy change occurred by utilising qualitative content analysis. The analysis shows that the new policy was adopted due to several factors: one being the attention brought to several problems pertaining to the previous policy, another one was found in the timing between focusing events and the on-going work process of the Swedish defence commission, and lastly, strong actors within the policy field were in favour of a change in policy. The thesis concludes that the presence of several factors within the processes of politics, policy and problems enabled the rapid policy change.

The thesis aims to determine the scope and extent of the European defence industrial sector influence on the process of European defence formation, or more precisely in the field of defence and security cooperation (ESDP/CSDP). The question of the European defence sector's role in shaping the defence and security cooperation in Europe has not been properly explored, thereby it provides an ideal topic of choice for my thesis, The thesis is divided into three main parts: the introduction, the analysis consisting of five sections and finally the conclusion. The thesis analyzes an industrial sector itself, while exploring the process of creation of internal market within the framework of the Roundtable of European Industrialist initiative. It then moves on to discuss the European military industrial complex and it argues for the need to introduce a new term "European Defence Industrialists" in order to improve our understanding of defence cooperation in the EU. As for the thesis theoretical approach, a classical IR theoretical approach in general and classical theoretical take on European integration have proved insufficient. Therefore, the thesis explores the specific environment of European industrial sector with the aid of the liberal economics approaches. In so doing, it establishes that liberal...