Cette thèse étudie les conditions et l’ampleur des évolutions de la politique nucléaire de l’Union européenne, de 2000 à 2016. Depuis le milieu des années 1990, plusieurs événements – ou « fenêtres d’opportunité » selon la terminologie du Multiple Streams Framework – ont remis les politiques nucléaires au centre de l’attention des décideurs européens : l’adhésion de nouveaux Etats membres en 2004 ; différentes Présidences du Conseil et nominations de Commissaires ayant pris clairement position sur les questions nucléaires ; l’accident de Fukushima de mars 2011 ; et enfin, les deux sorties du nucléaire allemandes, en 2000 et 2011.La première partie de ce travail est consacrée à l’analyse de l’ampleur du changement introduit par les directives adoptées durant la période étudiée: les directives sûreté réacteur de 2009 et 2014, ainsi que la directive déchets radioactifs de 2011. La deuxième partie étudie les facteurs de stabilité qui ont empêché la mise à l’agenda ou l’adoption de certaines propositions, comme les politiques d’harmonisation des régimes de responsabilité civile ou comme les tentatives d’abolition du traité Euratom.Parmi les différentes variables testées, des coûts de mise en œuvre limités, ainsi que l’existence d’indicateurs pour un problème donné, sont apparus comme des conditions nécessaires (mais non suffisantes) pour un changement de politique.La variable la plus pertinente pour expliquer les changements contenus dans les directives adoptées est l’évolution de la place d’un problème dans les priorités des acteurs. L’accident de Fukushima n’a modifié ni les conditions objectives d’existence d’un problème, ni, sur le long terme, les priorités des Etats Membres ou du secteur nucléaire. Ainsi, les propositions post Fukushima tendant à augmenter le rôle de la Commission européenne ou une calibration plus stricte des mesures de sûreté ont donc été partiellement rejetées, pour finalement aboutir à une révision de la directive sûreté, en 2014, avec peu de changements. De même, la priorité accordée à la résolution des problèmes nationaux liés à gestion des déchets radioactifs a abouti à l’adoption d’une directive incluant des mesures plus précises.Les principaux changements ayant eu lieu dans les directives étudiées concernent leur logique instrumentale et leur calibration ; aucun changement n’a été observé dans les buts ou les orientations générales de la politique nucléaire de l’UE. La politique nucléaire de l’UE semble ainsi particulièrement stable.Cette thèse met en évidence plusieurs facteurs d’inertie des politiques et institutions d’Euratom, malgré l’action d’entrepreneurs politiques : le haut niveau de méfiance entre acteurs, la délégation de la sûreté à des agences indépendantes, la dépendance au sentier liée à la technologie nucléaire, et la flexibilité « incorporée » dans Euratom. Ces facteurs réduisent le nombre d’entrepreneurs politiques potentiellement efficaces ainsi que l’éventail de leurs stratégies pour promouvoir un changement. En plus des facteurs institutionnels, la stabilité des politiques et institutions est également promue par des veto players.Néanmoins, les problèmes récents auxquels est confronté le secteur nucléaire européen (intégration croissante de sources d’énergie renouvelable, difficultés économiques) érodent les conditions de reproduction et de stabilité des institutions d’Euratom. Cet aspect se traduit notamment dans le progressif retrait du nucléaire des communications officielles mentionnant les sources d’énergie à développer pour remplir les objectifs de l’Union.En se basant sur le MSF et sur l’institutionnalisme historique, cette thèse démontre ainsi que les évolutions de la politique nucléaire de l’UE requièrent trois conditions : l’action d’un entrepreneur politique, l’émergence d’un problème dans les priorités des principaux acteurs et, pour des changements d’orientation ou d’institution, l’érosion des mécanismes de reproduction. / The goal of this dissertation is to understand the conditions under which the nuclear policy of the European Union has evolved – between 2000 and 2016 — as well as the scope of these evolutions. From the mid-1990s onwards, various events – “windows of opportunity” in the terminology of the Multiple Streams Framework – brought nuclear energy back to the attention of European policy-makers: the accession of new member states in 2004; different Council presidencies and nomination of Commissioners with a strong position on nuclear energy; the Fukushima accident in March 2011; Germany’s first and second nuclear phase-outs (in 2000 and 2011).This PhD proceeds in two parts: First, it analyses the scope of change in policies that have been set on the agenda and finally adopted (the reactor safety and the radioactive waste management directives); second, it analyses the stability factors that have hindered the agenda-setting or the decision-making on proposals for policy change or institutional reforms (harmonisations of civil liability regimes, licensing processes, or decommissioning funds; abolition of the Euratom treaty).Among the several variables tested, low implementation costs, as well as the existence of problem indicators, may be a necessary, but not a sufficient condition for policy change.The most relevant variable accounting for the policy changes included in the adopted directives, was the evolution of the problem in place of actors’ priorities. The Fukushima accident neither modified the objective conditions of existence of a problem, nor the long-term priority of Member States or the nuclear sector. Hence the post-Fukushima proposals suggesting an increase in the role of the European Commission or a stricter calibration of safety measures have been partially rejected. Hence there was no substantial policy change in the safety directive adopted in 2014. In a similar way, the priority granted to overcoming national problems of radioactive waste management led to the 2011 radioactive waste directive, which contained more settings than the 2009 reactor safety directive .The main changes observed in the directives impacted their settings, instrumental logic and calibration; no change has been observed in the goals or orientations of the EU nuclear policy since 2000. Therefore, the EU nuclear policy seems especially stable: in many cases, policy proposals did not even make in onto the agenda of the Council.In order to account for the stability of the policy in spite of the action of policy entrepreneurs, this PhD underlines the particular “stickiness” of the Euratom institutions and policies: The high distrust among actors; the delegation of safety to independent agencies; the technological path-dependence linked to the use of nuclear energy; and the “built-in” institutional flexibility of Euratom. These factors reduce the number of potential successful policy entrepreneurs and the range of strategies of change. Not only the institutional context but also the defiance among actors has accounted for the particular stability of the European nuclear policy and for the absence of change in goals or objectives: Stability was promoted by veto players, whose actions can be taken into account by the Multiple Streams Framework.Still, the recent problems facing the nuclear sector (growing renewable energy share, economic difficulties) are eroding the conditions of stability and mechanisms of reproduction of the European nuclear institutions. This is reflected in the progressive modification of the Commission’s official positions on nuclear energy, which is no longer included in the energy sources to be developed to meet the EU’s energy objectives.Relying both on the MSF and the historical institutionalism, this PhD shows that change in the European nuclear policy requires the action of a policy entrepreneur, the erosion of reproduction mechanisms and the occurrence of a problem among the priorities of main actors.

The 18th of December 2015 the Swedish parliament approved a change in migration policy, allowing for the government to implement ID- controls at the Swedish border. The policy change was put forward in a, for Sweden, unusual way in that, that it happened quickly, deviated from standard procedure and represented a different stance than the one previously held by the government. By applying an evolved version of the multiple streams framework, originally put forth by Kingdon (2003), I seek to find an explanation for why this policy change occured. A description of the different components of the theoretical framework, as they appear in this specific case, is provided through an analysis of different kinds of government publications and documents, along with articles from the press and public opinion polls. The results of the study indicates that a change in the problem stream opened a policy window of oppurtunity for the government, in the form of a policy entrepreneur, to push for their policy solution, in adherence to the change in the national mood. The study further points to a discussion concerning the salience of this kind of theoretical contextualisation in cases like this one.

This study seeks to examine whether the Corona pandemic has potential to serve as a focusing event for the problem of insufficient governmental action on climate change mitigation. The study is built on the Multiple Streams Framework by John W. Kingdon, with a main focus on the focusing event theory. According to this, focusing events can come in three forms: as crises and disasters, personal experiences of policymakers, and as symbols. Kingdon’s theoretical discussions, alongside my own developments of his work, provides the basis for a set of analytical questions through which the answer to the research question is provided. The analysis reveals that while the pandemic indeed can be considered a crisis or disaster and personal experiences of policymakers, establishing whether these could focus attention to the specific problem of insufficient governmental action on climate change mitigation requires further research, as the perceived cause of the crisis or disaster and personal experience must be established. However, the paper finds that the pandemic indeed has potential to serve as a symbol for the specific insufficient governmental action, for instance by stressing that deforestation increases the risk of zoonotic outbreaks, such as the Corona pandemic.

The tripartite alliance is an unusual structure of governance which consolidates the rule of the African National Congress (ANC) as a dominant party through three parties each with a unique ideological trajectory and constituency base. The structure is a unique space for policy formulation and agenda setting and often finds itself in conflict about policy approaches and directives. In 2012 the National Development Plan (NDP) came into fruition and the period prior to its production saw policy consensus on developmental policy approaches within the Tripartite Alliance as a structure. Using this instance of policy making within the Tripartite Alliance this thesis asks: How does policy happen with in the Tripartite Alliance. To answer this question, the public policy scholarship framework known as the Multiple Streams Framework as founded by John Kingdon, breaks policy processes into three distinct themes, analysing exactly how policy occurs in the structure. This analysis will therefore test the theory of the Multiple Streams Framework on the case study of development policy making within the tripartite alliance between 2007 and 2012, discerning how useful it is in answering how policy happens within the structure.

The Swedish Defence bill of 2015 demonstrated a rapid change in policy objectives, consequently moving away from an expeditionary force and converging into a territorial defence force. Previous research has attributed and explained the quick shift to the geostrategic unbalance that followed after the illegal annexation of Crimea in 2014. Yet, major policy changes are often years in the making, indicating that there must be additional explanations to the rapid shift. By applying a modified version of John Kingdon’s (2011) Multiple Streams Framework on the case of Sweden changing its security and defence policy, this thesis examines the policy process that preceded the official policy decision. The thesis provides further explanation to why the rapid policy change occurred by utilising qualitative content analysis. The analysis shows that the new policy was adopted due to several factors: one being the attention brought to several problems pertaining to the previous policy, another one was found in the timing between focusing events and the on-going work process of the Swedish defence commission, and lastly, strong actors within the policy field were in favour of a change in policy. The thesis concludes that the presence of several factors within the processes of politics, policy and problems enabled the rapid policy change.

Despite the existence of land use and environmental protection policies designed to provide guidance on land development, some projects can still be contentious. As the number of Muslims and mosques in the United States are increasing, little is known about the problematic conditions that Muslims may experience when attempting to site a new mosque, community center, or cemetery. The purpose of this study was to develop a deeper understanding about the experiences and perceptions of those involved in the failed siting of a controversial mosque, community center, and cemetery project in a U.S. West Coast state. The multiple streams framework was used to examine the problem, politics, and policy streams that occurred throughout the case. The research question addressed the key elements that led to community protests and the ensuing state lawsuit. A qualitative case study design was used to analyze literature, news reports, government reports, and the loosely-structured interviews of 15 purposefully-selected community stakeholders. The interview data were coded and categorized for thematic analysis. Results indicated that navigating the politics stream was especially difficult for the mosque applicants because they did not anticipate much resistance and were unaware of community members' concerns about water table contamination. Implications for positive social change include providing policy makers with insight into conflict that may arise in the siting of a mosque, community center, or cemetery and potentially reducing conflict between Muslims and non-Muslims.

The environmental, social, and economic value of Indonesia’s tropical forests has generated extensive interest and scrutiny, both local and global. International stakeholders are heavily involved in Indonesian forest policies, including in the issue of deforestation, both because of their immense interest in the Indonesian environment, and because of Indonesia’s lack of development capacity. Many of domestic and international stakeholders participating in the policy-making processes with regard to Indonesian forests have discrete views and concerns. A successful policy would be one that meets all the requirements of all such actors. This study was conducted to analyze the policy process including some questions about Indonesia’s policies for the prevention of deforestation: 1. ‘When are such policies formed?’, 2. ‘Who is involved in the policy-making process?’, 3. How are the resulting policies implemented?’ Appropriate research methods and analysis frameworks for the examination of policy processes were developed for this study and were applied to Indonesia’s deforestation prevention policies. The current study interviewed 72 of the 114 people who were involved in the policy-making process identified through this study, to analyze the means and motives that are involved in the policy-making process and to ascertain the respondents’ interactions with the other actors. The environmental contexts of the development of guidelines were examined by analyzing the streams of problems, politics, and policies through the Multiple Streams Framework to assess the manner in which the current Indonesian deforestation prevention policies have been established. Subsequently, the actors involved in the policy-making processes and the interactions between them were identified to create a structure of the policy network. Further, the parties that exert a significant influence on the deforestation prevention policy were identified. The characteristics of this policy network were confirmed, and the general network was classified into the Relation Network, Information Network and Trust Network. The result of the analyses reveals that the situation pertaining to the deforestation of Indonesian tropical forests has not substantially improved, even though the problem of forest degradation has been recognized in Indonesia for a long time now. The burden of environmental duties demanded from Indonesia by the international community has increased. As Indonesia has transformed politically from a long-standing military regime to a democratic government, its municipalities have gradually been strengthened and various levels of stakeholders including regional governments, NGO, and the private sector, have become actively invested in Indonesian policy-design. At the same time, international attention, and demand for preserving Indonesian forests have become more specific. Indonesia operated through a powerful presidential system and its president exerts much authority over the country’s society. In such a situation, the Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY)’s announcement at the G20 Summit in 2009 opened the Policy Window. President SBY declared that Indonesia would reduce emissions of greenhouse gas up to 41% 2020. This proclamation received much attention from both domestic and international groups, and led to sweeping changes in Indonesia’s forest policy. In all three of the above-mentioned sub-networks, the overwhelmingly powerful influence of the Ministry of Environment and Forestry, the main policy designer of the Indonesian deforestation prevention policy, was confirmed. The Ministry of Environment and Forestry was found to obtain the highest centrality value in the Relation Network and the gap between this actor and the other policy actors was extremely wide. However, the centrality value of the Ministry of Environment and Forestry was relatively low in the Information and Trust Networks, and this centrality was distributed to the other actors. These outcomes imply that not only the Ministry of Environment and Forestry, but also other organizations such as intergovernmental organizations and academic organizations contribute relevant information with regard to the policy, that the information dependency and trust of the other actors are decentralized, and that these other actors primarily depend on and trust international donors (e.g., World Bank, UN-REDD+ Task Force) and academics who are also interested actors in the formation of the forest policy of Indonesia. Many of the interested actors, especially intergovernmental organizations, academic organizations, NGOs, have access to the policy network of Indonesia’s deforestation prevention policy without any significant barriers. Hence, this policy network may be termed an open system. However, the internal policy actors are judged to be rigid in terms of their systems. The policy network for deforestation prevention has also emerged as a partially vertical hierarchy, as the Indonesian central government’s powerful initiative leads and directs the policy network along with a small number of other influential bodies. According to the classification of policy network types proposed by Marsh and Rhode (1992), the policy network for the prevention of deforestation in Indonesia may be described as an Issue Network with a vertical hierarchy.

Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka hur kriser påverkar policyförändring. För att undersöka detta ska Livsmedelsverkets hantering av ett fall av upprepade livsmedelsfusk på ICA-butiker runt om i Sverige användas. Fallet ska analyseras ur en teori kallad The Multiple Streams Framework utvecklad av Kingdon som förklarar att förändring kräver en rubbning i en av tre strömmar kallade problem-, politik- och policyström. Om en rubbning sker i någon av dessa strömmar kan frågor som kräver förändring bli kända för beslutsfattare som sedan kan genomföra förändringen. Studiens analys visar att hur en händelse eller ett problem tolkas och upplevs har betydelse för hur det sedan hanteras och hur förändringsprocessen ser ut. Livsmedelsverkets tolkning av fallet var sådan att det endast berörde ICA och deras varumärke. Detta ledde till att inga aktioner ut över det vanliga vidtogs och inga förändringar ägde rum. Studiens slutsatser ger ett resultat som tyder på att problemströmmen – huruvida man tolkar en händelse som ett problem som kräver en lösning eller ej – spelar en större roll i förändringsprocessen än de andra strömmarna. Hur man tolkar en händelse har inspelningar på hur man uppfattar samhällets stämning – politikströmmen – och hur den interna debatten förs – policyströmmen. Detta vore intressant och undersöka vidare i fortsatt forskning.

This diploma thesis deals with the process of creating an Audiovisual Act in the context of the transformation of audiovisual legislation in the Czech Republic after 1989. Although there was increasing pressure on change over time, as the original legislation did not reflect the epoch and was inadequate, this process lasted almost twenty years. The aim of the thesis is to understand the dynamics of the change in the process of creating audiovisual legislation, focusing on Act No. 496/2012 Coll. Next, identify the actors and factors that have had the greatest impact on policy change. To do so, this work uses and applies the theoretical framework of the Multiple Streams Framework, through which it sets the basic prerequisites for research. The methodological approach is a qualitative research and a research design of a single-case study. In terms of data collection, the text is based on six expert semi-structured interviews that form the base of primary research. Subsequent data are in the form of various documents, studies, press and annual reports, stenographies from the Chamber of Deputies, or, for example, the talk shows in which the process was discussed. Data analysis was conducted using thematic coding technique. Audiovisual legislation entered the political agenda in 2006, but it did not...

This essay studies the Nato initiative Partnership for peace that Sweden joined in 1994. The initiative was about strengthening the control in Europe and to increase the interoperability between European states in military aspects. The analysis looks at Sweden’s view on problem and solution before and after the initiative was known, and shows that when Sweden joined Partnership for peace, that was an effort to solve the problems that the cold war left after it ended. Sweden’s view on these problems and the solution to said problems were the same as what the partnership gave at the time. Nothing indicated that joining Partnership for peacewas about anything else than trying to solve the problems that existed in Europe after the cold war. As method a qualitative text analysis is used with elements from theory consumption by the Multiple stream’s framework. According to this framework policy change happens for two reasons. One of the reasons is that a policy can change or be implemented without a specific purpose, and the other reason a policy changes is because there is a need to solve a real problem.