The focus of this report is an examination of the so-called “refusenik” soldiers of Israel. Since Israel’s victory in the 1967 war and the resulting occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, there have been soldiers in the IDF that have refused to serve outside the pre-1967 borders. These soldiers, called “refuseniks,” practice selective refusal. Unlike conscientious objectors, the refusenik soldiers are not pacifists. Their protest is not a condemnation of all war. Rather, it is a calculated protest against the continuing occupation of land outside the Green Line. Although the roots of the refusenik movement can be traced to the 1967 war, the movement did not gain momentum until the 1982 invasion of Lebanon. Initially enjoying broad public support, the war in Lebanon became less popular when it did not end after its initial goals were met. Yesh Gvul, the most famous of the refusenik organizations, was born during this time of waning public support for the war. Other boosts for the refuseniks have come during the first intifada and second intifada. The refuseniks come from varied backgrounds and political affiliations, but the “typical” refusenik is the Ashkenazi male reservist, usually statistically speaking a married, highly educated city-dweller. The military has not followed a coherent strategy for dealing with the refuseniks, alternating between conciliation and accommodation at some time periods and harsh punishment at others. / text

Arab-Israelis make up a growing portion of Israel's population. While they are legal citizens of the state of Israel they are not held to the same standards as their Jewish-Israeli counterparts. Jewish-Israelis are mandated to serve in the Israeli Defense Force, while the Arab-Israelis are not. Even without conscription a small number of Arab-Israelis choose to serve every year. This paper examines how individual and community identity play into the decision to join the IDF. The key factor in why Arab-Israelis join the IDF stems from putting the love of country over the love of any other community or identity.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Since taking office in 2001, Japanese Prime Minister Koizumi has pressed for greater expansion to the mission of the Japan Self Defense Force (JSDF), first by endorsing deployments in support of counter-terrorism operations in the Indian Ocean, and eventually the domestically unpopular decision to deploy to Iraq. Recently, an update to the 1996 National Defense Program Outline was published that accelerated the shift in the mission of the JSDF away from a pure self-defense force capable of operating with the United States in defense of Japan's sovereignty to that of an internationally recognized force capable of conducting operations in varying environments throughout the globe. Japan's accelerated military involvement in world affairs has provoked concerns among neighbors, whose perceptions are often quite different from those of the United States or Japan. Japan's legacy of militarism has created resistance to change among regional partners. In order for changes to succeed without upsetting the regional balance of power, Japan must improve not only the capability, but also the international trust and standing of the JSDF. This thesis provides information to allow policy makers to better understand the challenges that the Government of Japan faces in response to changes in security strategy. / Lieutenant Commander, United States Navy

Über den Einsatz bewaffneter Bundeswehrsoldaten im Ausland entscheidet der Bundestag. Die demokratische Legitimität von Bundeswehreinsätzen beruht daher auf der parlamentarischen Mehrheitsentscheidung. Doch durch die Auslagerung von Entscheidungen auf multinationale Sicherheitssysteme, wie die NATO und die EU, ergeben sich Handlungsbeschränkungen für das deutsche Parlament. In dieser Publikation analysiert die Politikwissenschaftlerin Martina Kolanoski die tatsächliche Entscheidungsmacht des Bundestags am Beispiel von Bundeswehreinsätzen im Rahmen der Europäische Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik (ESVP). Sie zeigt, weshalb die parlamentarischen Einflüssmöglichkeiten nur sehr begrenzt sind und argumentiert damit gegen die These des Parlamentarischen Friedens. Die Weiterentwicklung der ESVP durch den Vertrag von Lissabon, die multinationale Streitkräfteintegration, das Konzept der European Battlegroups und der deutsche Entscheidungsprozess zur EU-Mission EUFOR RD Congo werden auf die Frage hin untersucht, ob die Einsatzentscheidung durch politische und/oder militärische Integration vorweg genommen wird.

This piece tries to determine whether or not Japan’s movement towards rearmament is indicative of a renewed militaristic sentiment or driven by the necessity of improving its defense in view of mounting threats from its age-old enemy, China. The goal of this work is to create a framework using both international events and domestic responses in which to ascertain whether or not the reformation of Article 9 is, in of itself, a reemergence of pre-war bushido/nationalist sentiment or a response to both outside and inside influences necessitating the need for a “normalized” state. The work focuses on three distinct time periods – early 2000s, latter 2000s, and the 2010s – in which to highlight the initial development, progression, and foreseeable resolution to the Article 9 debate. These stages emphasize several elements persistent in Japan’s quest for a more normalized state, including: the hostile external environment created by the rise of foreign assertiveness, and internal domestic pressures (which to some extent are driven by external pressures) along with its own desire to seek a more normalized position in the international community as well as to gain an enhanced sense of national pride. Additionally a brief synopsis of both the foreign and domestic entities which have contributed to the Japanese reformation movement has been included for better foundational understanding of the question at hand. In general, results suggested that, though there is some merit towards a reemergence of pre-WWII nationalistic sentiment (especially in the case of the Net Uyoku), the reformation of Article 9 is primarily driven in response to growing tensions – both within East Asia as well as world-wide – as well as a need to assert some semblance of nationalistic identity (an area seriously lacking in Japanese society). Results further implicate that, though the process of reforming Article 9 and thereby revising Japan’s anti-war policy may not be immediate, movement within the Japanese state towards constitutional reformation is indeed on the rise – rearmament being the primary target of said reforms.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / It is widely acknowledged that there are problems with the way in which heterosexual relationships are negotiated. A critical focus on heterosexuality has been particularly stimulated by feminist discourse on gender power relations and the global imperative to challenge HIV infection. In the South African context there has been a growing emphasis on researching and educating about (hetero)sexuality, particularly in the wake of the continued increase in HIV prevalence rates which are highest among young, black South Africans. A handful of South African studies point to the widespread nature of coercive sexuality characterised by male dominance and female submission and a lack of negotiation in respect of safe sex and sexual pleasure. This study addresses the realm of the negotiation of heterosexuality among black South African students at the University of the Western Cape (UWC), Cape Town. In the study, negotiation refers to two interrelated aspects: the negotiation of heterosexual subjectivity; and the negotiation of heterosexual sexuality (heterosex). The study is underpinned by a feminist poststructuralist conceptual framework and discourse analytic methodology which draws on qualitative methodologies, feminist approaches to research and discourse analysis. Three different methods were utilised to gather data: focus groups, a free-association questionnaire and written autobiographical essays. Participants of the study included psychology second and third year students at the UWC who were predominantly young (mean age of 23.3 years), black, of Christianity-related religious affiliation and non-English first language speakers. A discourse analysis together with an ethnographic analysis was carried out on the data which yielded a wide range of discursive themes on gender and heterosex. In looking at the negotiation of heterosexual subjectivities, there are vast differences in the experiences of'becoming' women and men: notably, puberty and menstruation are central in the construction of femininity and female sexuality, which are interwoven with each other in the construction of women as vulnerable, passive and restrained; on the other hand, boy's/men's subjectivities are centred about sexual agency and activity, competition and physical and mental 'hardness'. Nonetheless these rigidly divergent experiences of gendered heterosexualisation are also punctuated by resistance, ambivalence and contradiction, particularly in women's accounts. It is suggested that the difficulties involved in 'achieving' femininity for women may be implicated in their continued investment in these subjectivities in their contemporary contexts. In talk on negotiating heterosex, two central clusters of discourse emerge: discourses of difference, in which inevitable, essential (either biological or cultural) and incommensurable differences are assumed, Jr rationalised and reproduced by participants; discourses of power, resistance and change which draw on alternative discourses such as the feminist critique of male power, and also speak of and call for change. Central within all of these discourses is the virtual invisibility of a positive language to speak of women's sexuality and desires, which has as its underside a lack of alternative discourses on masculinity and male sexuality, in particular the absence of a positive discourse on men's vulnerability, non-sexual intimate desires, lack of sexual desire and resisting of power. The thesis suggests, on the basis of poststructuralist theories of change, that given the presence of challenging and contradictory discourses, subversive subjectivities and silences, there is potential for change. It is argued that educational and political interventions need to acknowledge and work with these spaces for change within the broader framework of challenging the underlying hierarchical binarism of sexual difference, upon which the problematic and unequal negotiation of heterosex is founded.

Background: The South African National Defence Force (SANDF) like other Defence Forces of the world, conducts medical classification on their members. This medical classification has, as one of the components, an Oral Health Fitness (OHF) classification which is done according to North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) standards. The aim of the Oral Health Fitness classification is to standardize dental readiness, assess oral health, prioritize dental care, minimize the number of dental emergencies (DE), and emphasize the importance of good oral health to all active duty and reserve forces. Medical classification is conducted by the South African Military Health Services (SAMHS). Aim: The aim of the study was to evaluate the dental emergency outcomes of the Oral Health Fitness classification of the SAMHS in Area Military Health Unit Gauteng (AMHU GT), South Africa Objectives: To determine dental emergency rate for the SAMHS, analyse the dental emergencies and to make recommendations regarding dental emergencies to the SAMHS Methods: A cross-sectional retrospective record analyses of members of the SANDF that received an OHF classification of 1 and 2 in AMHU GT in 2009. The AMHU GT members were followed up for a year to determine if they developed dental emergencies. Data analysis included frequency tables, chi-square tests and logistic regression analysis. The level of significance was set at p<0.05. Results: The dental emergency rate for AMHU Gauteng was 307/1000 per year. The type of dental emergencies were: 58.5% dental restorations, 13% extractions and related complications, 4.3% crown and bridge, 3.9% emergency root canals, 9.9% recementations, 3.6% denture related problems while other emergencies were 6.8%. Patients were more likely to experience a dental emergency if they were white, female, of OHF 2 classification and older than fifty years of age. Conversely they were least likely to experience a dental emergency if they were black, male, of OHF 1 classification and in the age group 31-40. Conclusion: The dental emergency rate of 307/1000 per year for the SANDF is high compared to military health units from other countries and it was influenced by race, age and gender. The types of dental emergencies were mainly preventable. / Dissertation (MChD)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / Community Dentistry / Unrestricted

Thesis (M.A.(Sociology)) -- University of Limpopo, 2022 / The purpose of the study was to explore the impacts of military deployment on the nuclear families of military members of the South African National Defence Force. Qualitative, exploratory research was conducted to determine the impacts of military deployment on the nuclear families of the SANDF. Data were collected through qualitative interviews. A purposive sampling technique was used wherein six families were sampled to explore the impacts of deployment on families with a member previously deployed to foreign missions by the South African National Defence Force. Inductive qualitative content data analysis was performed to analyse data. The study highlighted the areas of potential effects that deployment had before and after deployment of a service member as well as the daily lived experiences of the family during deployment of a family member. The study found that the increase in the changes in the composition of the family structure during deployment; continuous communication was very vital during deployment and the beneficial impacts of deployment. Most military families did not experience dire challenges during deployment but were normal challenges most civilian families experience. Instead, the military families developed resilience during the deployment period. / National Research Foundation (NRF)

This thesis conceptualises compulsory military service and objection to it as public performative acts that generate gendered and political identity. Conscription was the primary performance of citizenship and masculinity for white men in apartheid South Africa. Conscription was also a key governance strategy both in terms of upholding the authority of the state and in engendering discipline in the white population. Objection to military service was therefore a destabilising and transgressive public act. Competing conceptualisations of masculinity and citizenship are inherent in pro and anti-conscription discourses. The refusal to undertake military service places men outside the accepted means of graduating to ' real' manhood and patriotic citizenship. Although objection can be an iconic and transgressive act, objectors have an essentially ambivalent subjectivity in the public realm. Objectors are 'strangers' in a socially constructed and gendered binary of 'insiders' and 'outsiders' . This ambivalent status creates opportunities but also constraints for the performance of objection. The thesis analyses the effectiveness of objectors' performances and argues that there is a distinction between a radical challenge to hegemonic conceptions of militarised masculinity and citizenship and assimilatory challenges. The tension between radicalism and assimilation comes to the fore in response to the state's attacks on objectors. The militarised apartheid state is defined as not only masculine but heteronormative terms and it is the deployment of sexuality that is its most effective means of stigmatising and restricting the performance of objection. The thesis uses interview material, archival data and case studies and concludes that objectors (and their supporters) weaved multiple narratives into their performances but that as the 1980s progressed, the performance of objection to conscription became assimilatory and this demonstrates the heteronormativity of the state, military service and the public realm. / KMBT_363 / Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in

Sammanfattning Bakgrund: Enligt svenska försvarsmakten är den militära professionen under ständig förändring. Stora förändringar sker frekvent inom Försvarsmakten som organisation och kommer i förlängningen leda till nyttiga erfarenheter och kunskaper i framtiden. I sak är detta självklart men det finns även fler faktorer som vi ser mer troligt har större påverkan, exempelvis karriärmodellens utformning, metoder vid rekrytering, uppföljning av samhället och dess värderingar, förändringar och utvecklingar som sker inom teknik, inlärningsstilar och förväntningarna från de nya kommande generationerna. Nuvarande karriärmodell avseende taktiska officerare i den svenska försvarsmakten belönar avancemang och inte fördjupade kunskaper. Syfte: Syftet med studien var att undersöka vetenskaplig litteratur avseende militär karriär med fokus på den svenska försvarsmaktens karriärmodell. Till syftet valdes följande frågeställningar: Vilka teoretiska aspekter finns för en karriärmodell? Hur påverkar karriärmodeller taktiska officerare? Vilken teoretisk bärighet har den svenska försvarsmaktens karriärmodell? Metod: Denna studie är en kvalitativ systematiskt litteraturstudie med latent innehållsanalys som har genomförts med ett induktivt arbetssätt. Analysens metod inkluderade också det hermeneutiska perspektivet, där insamlad data sammanfördes till allmänna principer. Det organisationsteoretiska perspektivet valdes för att beskriva, förenkla och tydliggöra fenomenet med karriärmodell. Som källmaterial har internationella och svenska vetenskapliga artiklar samt böcker använts.    Resultat: I den undersökta litteraturen fanns flera faktorer som påverkade den militära karriären och dess karriärmodell, både nationellt och internationellt, såsom komplexitet i officersrollen, hur olika karriärmodeller ser ut idag, utvecklingen av karriärmodeller och karriärplanering samt att HR-funktionen i en organisation bör ta ett större ansvar. Det framkom också att en mer mångfacetterad karriärmodell kan komma att gynna en organisation i det längre perspektivet. / Abstract   Background: According to the Swedish Armed Forces, the military profession is constantly changing. Major changes occur frequently within the armed forces as an organization and will in the future lead to useful experiences and knowledge in the future. In essence, this is self-evident, but there are also more factors that we see more likely to have greater impact, such as the design of the career model, methods of recruitment, follow-up of society and its values, changes and developments that occur in technology, learning styles and the expectations of the new coming generations. The current career model regarding tactical officers in the Swedish Armed Forces rewards advancement and not in-depth knowledge. Objective: The aim of the study was to examine scientific literature on military careers focusing on the Swedish Armed Forces' career model. The following questions were selected for the purpose: What theoretical aspects are there for a career model? How do career models affect tactical officers? What theoretical bearing does the Swedish Armed Forces career model have? Method: This study is a qualitative systematic literature study with latent content analysis conducted with an inductive method. The method of analysis also included the hermeneutic perspective, in which collected data was combined into general principles. The organizational theoretical perspective was chosen to describe, simplify and clarify the phenomenon with a career model. International and Swedish scientific articles and books have been used as source material. Results: In the literature examined there were several factors that influenced the military career and its career model, both nationally and internationally, such as complexity in the role of officers, how different career models look today, the development of career models and career planning and that the HR function of an organization should take a greater responsibility. It also emerged that a more multifaceted career model may benefit an organization in the longer term.