Ce travail propose une analyse de la mobilisation citoyenne autour du projet de LGV Bordeaux-Toulouse sur une période de dix ans. La mise en place du débat public par la CNDP en 2005 constitue une étape permettant à la population de prendre connaissance de l'existence d'un projet LGV. Ce premier débat public n'engage aucun tracé précis, l'enjeu est essentiellement de statuer sur l'opportunité d'une LGV entre Bordeaux et Toulouse. Progressivement, une mobilisation se structure. Cependant, nous montrons que la mobilisation n'est pas homogène tout au long du tracé et dépend du contexte local. Il n'y a que dans le Bordelais où les citoyens se mobilisent et participent au débat public organisé par la CNDP pour contester le projet LGV. En 2009, le maître d'ouvrage, RFF, met en place un nouveau dispositif participatif : la concertation dite " GPSO " (Grand Projet du Sud-Ouest). L'enjeu de cette nouvelle procédure participative vise, cette fois-ci, l'élaboration d'un tracé précis. La proposition d'un tracé par le maître d'ouvrage contribue à généraliser la contestation relative à la LGV au-delà du Bordelais. En effet, lors du débat public de 2005 la question de l'opportunité du projet a été tranchée, ce que remettent en cause les groupes civiques de Bordeaux à Toulouse. Dans le Lot-et-Garonne, notamment, de nombreuses associations d'opposants voient le jour et s'organisent en collectif, la Coordination 47. Ces associations se structurent et s'entendent pour proposer un projet alternatif. Contrairement au maître d'ouvrage qui souhaite la création de nouvelles voies, la Coordination 47 défend, quant à elle, la possibilité de réhabiliter les voies existantes. La Coordination 47 s'engage alors dans d'importantes actions de sensibilisation de la population afin de favoriser la participation des citoyens à l'enquête publique qui se déroule en 2014. Les militants ont obtenu gain de cause : la participation du " public " a été soutenue et la commission d'enquête a rendu un avis défavorable. A ce jour, le gouvernement n'a pas encore rendu sa décision. / This work proposes an analysis of the mobilization citizen around the project of "LGV Bordeaux-Toulouse" over a period of ten years. The implementation of the public debate by CNDP in 2005 establishes a stage allowing the population to acquaint with the existence of a project LGV. This first public debate engages no precise plan, the stake is essentially to rule on the opportunity of a LGV between Bordeaux and Toulouse. Gradually, a mobilization forms itself. However, we show that the mobilization is not homogeneous throughout the plan and depends on the local context. There are that in the "Bordelais" only the citizens mobilize and participate in the public debate organized by CNDP to dispute the LGV project. In 2009, the project owner, RFF, sets up a new participative procedure: the said dialogue "GPSO" (Big Project of the Southwest). The stake in this new participative procedure aims, this time, at the elaboration of a precise plan. The proposal of a plan by project owner contributes to generalize the contesting relative to the LGV beyond the "Bordelais". Indeed, during the public debate of 2005 the question of the opportunity of the project was cut, what question the civic groups from Bordeaux to Toulouse. In Lot-et-Garonne, in particular, a lot of opponents associations are born and get organized in collective, the Coordination 47. These associations form themselves and get on to propose an alternative project. Contrary to the project owner who wishes the creation of new ways, the Coordination 47 defends the possibility of rehabilitating the existing ways. The Coordination 47 makes a commitment then in important awareness-raising activities of the population to favor the participation of the citizens in the public inquiry which takes place in 2014. The activists were proved right: the participation of the "public" was supported and the commission of inquiry returned an unfavorable opinion. To date, the government has not taken its decision yet.

Submitted by Marilene Donadel (marilene.donadel@unioeste.br) on 2019-01-23T15:57:46Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Bruna_Jesus_2018.pdf: 404576 bytes, checksum: 8547bbd0082598809fb73a8926b3d8f2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2019-01-23T15:57:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bruna_Jesus_2018.pdf: 404576 bytes, checksum: 8547bbd0082598809fb73a8926b3d8f2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-09-03 / This research sought to analyze the representation of civil Society in Municipal Council of Social Assistance of Toledo (MCSA) – Paraná State, in the period between 2015-2017. The theoretical reference discuss about participatory democracy as well as the participation of civil Society in the management of Public Policy. It was used the qualitative research to desk review and unstructured research. The collected informations showea absence of accounts rendered in the service of the political mandate. In this way, there is the need for the preparations of the joint lists, by means of the interests of the representatives of the civil society and government representatives. Also there was identified the necessity of organization of the commssions in such a way that it guarantees the equality. / Esta pesquisa buscou analisar a representação da sociedade civil no Conselho Municipal de Assistência Social de Toledo – Paraná, no período 2015 a 2017. O referencial teórico discute a democracia participativa, bem como a participação da sociedade civil na gestão de Políticas Públicas. Para tanto, foi utilizada a pesquisa qualitativa para análise documental e a pesquisa não estruturada. As informações coletadas mostraram ausência de prestação de contas no exercício do mandato político. Desse modo, há a necessidade das elaborações das pautas conjuntas, mediante os interesses dos representantes da sociedade civil e representantes governamentais. Também foi identificada a necessidade de organização das Comissões de forma que garanta a paridade.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:20:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MelquisedequeOF_DISSERT.pdf: 2544608 bytes, checksum: 441bb60be457b1a07f0ad67d90cdf6aa (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-28 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / The rural settlements represent a mark in the expensive historical process of fight by the land in Brazil. At first offer basic terms of survival, through the access the land and of the fundamental supports for exploration. At the same time, have stimulated organization forms politicizes of the families who manage to work with the new challenges of the everyday. The moment that follows the land conquest, and therefore, the settlements construction while life and work project, it is crossed for objective and subjective demands, with highlight for options of agricultural production and strategies of collective action. Originally formed as representation instance legitimates of the families - front to the government and social actors - the settlers associations are private spaces for political sociability, that guided by principles participative, can lead the settlers the new conquests through indeed democratic experiences. The goal of this work is to comprehend the participation forms in the scope of these associations and the way as that translates in life best terms for the group, from the settlements experiences located in the Territories of the Citizenship Mato Grande and A?u-Mossor?, in Rio Grande do Norte's State. The theoretical conceptions that guide this analysis are concentrate on discussions about democracy and participation (Patermam, Putnam, Bodernave) and in the reflections about the rural world (Medeiros, Martins, Woodman e Woodman and Bergamansco). About methodological, different point of view strategies were developed: The direct observation, the application in locate of questionnaires to the families settlers and interviews semi-structured with the internal leaderships. With that could verify that the participation forms in the associations operate in two heartfelt: Of a side, they promote assimilation opportunities of democratic abilities accompanied of notions of social rights and redefinition of political standards; Of another, it offers indeed the possibility of the settlers lead, with relative autonomy, the political organization and her changes in direction to a way of life that wish to have in the settling / Dentro do caro processo hist?rico de luta pela terra no Brasil, os assentamentos rurais representam um marco de conquista de trabalhadores rurais sem terra. A princ?pio, oferecem condi??es b?sicas de sobreviv?ncia, atrav?s do acesso ? terra e suporte inicial para sua explora??o. Ao mesmo tempo, s?o estimuladas formas de organiza??o pol?tica das fam?lias para que consigam lidar com os novos desafios do cotidiano. O momento que segue ? conquista da terra e, por conseguinte, a constru??o do assentamento enquanto projeto de vida e de trabalho, ? atravessado por demandas objetivas e subjetivas, com destaque para as alternativas de produ??o agr?cola e estrat?gias de articula??o coletiva. As associa??es de assentados, originalmente formadas como dispositivos de gest?o coletiva da terra, s?o tamb?m espa?os reservados para sociabilidade pol?tica, que orientada por princ?pios participativos, pode conduzir os assentados ?s novas conquistas, ditadas no ritmo das experi?ncias cotidianas. O objetivo desse trabalho ? o de buscar compreender formas de participa??o no ?mbito destas associa??es e a maneira pela qual isto se traduz em melhores condi??es de vida para o grupo, a partir das experi?ncias de assentamentos localizados nos Territ?rios da Cidadania Mato Grande e A?u-Mossor?, no Estado do Rio Grande do Norte. As concep??es te?ricas que orientam esta an?lise concentram-se nas discuss?es sobre democracia e participa??o (Paterman, Putnam, Bodernave) e nas reflex?es sobre o mundo rural (Medeiros, Martins, Woortmann e Woortmann, Bergamansco). Do ponto de vista metodol?gico, diferentes estrat?gias foram desenvolvidas: a observa??o direta, o registro em caderno de campo, a aplica??o, in loco, de question?rios socioecon?micos ?s fam?lias assentadas e entrevistas semi-estruturadas com as lideran?as internas. Com isso, pudemos constatar que as formas de participa??o nas associa??es operam em dois sentidos: de um lado, promovem oportunidades de assimila??o de capacidades democr?ticas acompanhada de no??es de direitos sociais e redefini??o de padr?es pol?ticos; de outro, oferece efetivamente a possibilidade dos pr?prios assentados conduzirem, com relativa autonomia, a organiza??o pol?tica e suas mudan?as em dire??o a um modo de vida que desejam ter no assentamento