Integrating into a political democratic regime has not been a simple task for post-communisitc states such as Bosnia and Herzegovina. The signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement in 1995 marked the end of the catastrophic war that took place in the region, and was the start for the democratic developments that would now fully integrate Bosnia and Herzegovina into a consolidated democratic regime. However, the history after the signing of the agreement has not been as idealistic. Corruption, ethnic limitations and restrictions, disagreement between the various governmental bodies, and the lack of accountability between the political authorities are just some of the factors which have hindered Bosnia and Herzegovina from reaching any major democratic progress for the past years. This essay will examine if Bosnia and Herzegovina can be regarded as a political democratic regime in accordance to Robert Dahl’s eight institutional guarantees. It will also investigate the democratic development that has taken place before and after the elections in 2014.

兩岸關係迥異於世上其他分裂國家，自成一特殊格局，學界對兩岸關係及政府大陸政策之研究亦相當的多，本文的研究目的主要在探尋政府大陸政策之主導因素，是否隨著台灣的民主化進程及政黨輪替，而由「國家中心」轉為「社會中心」，亦即大陸政策反映何者的偏好與利益。依據本文的研究結果發現，民主進程初期的大陸政策，不論是高政治性議題或低政治性議題，其主導因素均屬「國家中心」；至民主進程後期，高政治性議題大陸政策之主導因素兼具「國家中心」與「社會中心」，而低政治性議題大陸政策之主導因素則屬「社會中心」。由此觀之，民主轉型改變了國家與社會的互動關係，也因為民主化的發展，致使國家逐漸開放與社會階層溝通，社會因素因此獲得參與政策決策過程的管道，使社會利益更易於轉化成國家政策。顯然，我政府大陸政策已非全由國家所主導，亦包含社會因素的介入。 / The cross-Strait relations is completely different from those of other divided nations, numerous researches have been made focusing on the cross-Strait relations and Taiwan’s Mainland policies. According, the main object of this research is to explore if the leading factors of the Mainland polices should be transferred from “state-centered” to “society-centered” under the process of democratization and turnover of the political party, that is the Mainland policies reflect whose preference and interest afterall. According to the research results, we can find that in the initiate stage of democratic progress, no matter for Mainland policies of high politics or low politics, the leading factors are “state-centered”. However, in the later stage of democratic progress, the leading factors for the Mainland policies of high politics are both “state-centered” and “society-centered”, and the leading factors for the Mainland policies of low politics are “society-centered”. Therefore, it can be seen that democracy transformation has changed the interaction of state and society, and because of the development of democratization, the state gradually open up to communicate with social classes, so the social factors obtained the channels to participate in the process of policy-making. That is to say the social interests are easier to transfer to the national policies. Obviously, not all the Mainland polices are dominated by state; they also include social factors.

本研究擬以博奕理論為主要研究架構,藉由個案研究分析,希望達成以下之目的:(1)探對台北市議會在三黨不過半的議會政治生態下,各政黨之間合縱連橫之運作情形及其影響,並試圖尋求影響三黨互動關係的因素。(2)了解政黨在議會立法過程中所處的地位、所扮演的角色及所發揮的功能。整個研究範圍則限於第七屆議會第一會期內85年度總預算的審查。全文共分六章,茲概述如下: 第一章緒論:說明研究動機與目的、研究範圍與方法以及研究限制。 第二章理論基礎與文獻探討:介紹博奕理論基本概念,並對相關研究文獻予以探討。 第三章現行台北市議會內的政黨政治:首先介紹市議會內的政黨組織,再進一步了解議會立法過程中的政黨運作,最後論及影響政黨互動關係的因素。 第四章及第五章部份:藉由「敬老津貼」及「教師節敬師金」兩項個案的分析,窺 探台北市議會內三黨合縱連橫的過程。 第六章結論:敘述研究發現並提出評議。