Orientador: Ricardo Monteagudo / Resumo: John Locke é reconhecidamente um dos grandes autores da história da filosofia. Parte desse reconhecimento deve-se aos seus escritos políticos, entre eles, os Dois Tratados Sobre o Governo, publicados em 1689. O principal desígnio de Locke nesse texto é refutar a defesa do absolutismo monárquico de Robert Filmer, manifesta especialmente na obra Patriarcha, que ganhou grande notoriedade na Inglaterra durante a década de 1680. A obra de Locke, entretanto, para além da refutação do poder absoluto dos reis, pode ser lida como um ataque ao poder arbitrário em geral, caracterizado principalmente pela não observância da lei. O objetivo geral do presente trabalho é estabelecer possíveis correlações entre os argumentos de Locke contrários ao poder arbitrário e o debate, já corrente no século XVII, sobre as origens, os fundamentos e a extensão do poder político. Especificamente, este trabalho buscará analisar as formas de poder arbitrário propostas por Locke nos Dois Tratados: o poder arbitrário individual, que, no estado de natureza leva ao estado de guerra; o absolutismo, caracterizado pelo governo que não se submete às leis; e, finalmente, a tirania, situação em que o soberano age sem observar as leis existentes. Segundo Locke, no estado de natureza é a falta de conhecimento da lei da natureza que leva os indivíduos a agirem de forma arbitrária uns contra os outros. Esse fato os leva a instituírem uma sociedade política e confiarem o poder de julgar as controvérsias a uma só pessoa, ... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: John Locke is recognisided like one of the biggest authors of the history of philosophy. Part of this recognizing is due to his political writings, among it, the Two Treatises on Government, published in 1689. The main aim of Locke in this text is to refuse the defense of monarchical absolutism of Robert Filmer, expressed mainly in the work Patriarcha, that got famous in the England across the 1680's decade. Thus, Locke's work, beyond of to refuse the absolut power of the kings, can be read like an attack to arbitrarian power in general, mainly caracterized by non-observation of law. The general purpose of this work is to establish possible correlations between Locke's arguments against arbitrary power and the debate, already current in the seventeenth century, on the origins, foundations, and extent of political power. Specifically, this work will seek to analyse the arbitrary forms of power proposed by Locke in Two Treaties: individual one, which, in the state of nature, leads to the state of war; the absolutism, characterized by a government that does not submit to laws; and, finally, the tyranny, a situation in which the sovereign acts without observing the existing laws. According to Locke, in state of nature, the absence of knowledge about the law of nature take the individuals to act in an arbitrarian way one against others. It takes them to establish a political society and trust in only one person the power of to judge controversies, the monarch. Monarch's government... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

How a single party and personal dictatorship survive has been a question of much debate among scholars. Geddes (1999, 2003) creates a model to determine which survives the longest. Within her model, she finds that a single party dictatorship – one with a party apparatus – survives longer than a personal dictatorship – one where a single person has sole policymaking ability. She argues that the fundamental difference between the two is how each treats the opposition. The party apparatus allows a single party dictatorship the means to silence the opposition by coopting it into the party structure whereas a personal dictatorship must rely on the wealthy and military to keep any opposition at bay. With a single party dictatorship being able to coalesce the opposition, this dictatorship is more stable and survives longer. I agree with Geddes’ reasoning and seek to clarify how this situation works in Sub-Saharan Africa. I argue that a single party dictatorship can silence and use religious leaders in the opposition to gain support from the religious leaders’ followers. This additional support from the religious leaders and the followers makes single party dictatorships survive longer than personal dictatorships in Sub-Saharan Africa. In this research, I explain the importance of religion as a variable for dictatorship survival research in Sub-Saharan Africa. I show that religious leaders have a certain level of control over followers and if coopted by a dictatorship, religious leaders’ control garners support among followers. I further explain how religious leaders are in the opposition and therefore can only be coopted by a single party dictatorship. I conclude by showing that religious leaders increase a single party dictatorship’s survival likelihood.

This dissertation investigates the transformation undergone by the Francoist dictatorship (1939-1978) in Spain in the 1950s and 1960s, which occurred under conditions of neoliberal rationalities and petroleum toxicity –petrotoxicty. It addresses the transformation at three levels: the dictatorship’s criminalized bodies; the Francoist national political project; and early transnational attempts for European unification. By exploring an archive of laws, mass media, and intellectual dialogues, the dissertation contends that there was a shift in regimes of criminality that allowed the dictatorship in the south and Europe in the north to establish the initial form of their coalition. The dissertation addresses processes of recognition of criminality by establishing a critical framework that examines the transition from a dominant paradigm of disease toxicity to one of petrotoxicity. In proposing that this transition took place together with the development of neoliberalism, the dissertation argues that the neoliberal regime operated during its period of consolidation by generalizing, at national and transnational scales, forms of exclusion and inclusion that were characteristic of what the text presents as the “petrotoxic regime of criminality.” By conducting the analysis through the lens of the petrotoxic regime of criminality, the dissertation offers a fresh perspective to the debate within Spanish Peninsular Cultural Studies about the seemingly contradictory nature that the Francoist dictatorship acquired during this period; both anti-modern and modern; both Catholic fundamentalist and neoliberal capitalist. It allows us to shed light on a process of revaluation of the regime’s toxic nature that resulted in a Catholic Fundamentalist Capitalist dictatorship.

No description available.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--UCLA, 2008. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 135-147).

173f. / Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-06-06T19:08:25Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação André Teixeira Jacobina.pdf: 790823 bytes, checksum: 4c19b29430c3a2ab5034f2807306f744 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Portela(anapoli@ufba.br) on 2013-06-07T17:22:56Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação André Teixeira Jacobina.pdf: 790823 bytes, checksum: 4c19b29430c3a2ab5034f2807306f744 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-06-07T17:22:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação André Teixeira Jacobina.pdf: 790823 bytes, checksum: 4c19b29430c3a2ab5034f2807306f744 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / O tema dessa dissertação pertence ao estudo da história política e se situa no contexto da “distensão e abertura política no Brasil”. Nesse contexto analisamos as clivagens partidárias existentes na Arena e no MDB baianos, bem como a relação entre esses partidos. Para esse fim destacamos os discursos e debates dos deputados estaduais na Assembléia Legislativa. Analisamos também os períodos que antecedem as eleições de 1974, 1976 e 1978, os resultados eleitorais e a sua repercussão ou relação com as divisões partidárias. Buscamos, assim, traçar um perfil não propriamente dos líderes políticos baianos, mas sim dos seus grupos partidários, distinguindo as características das divisões do MDB e da Arena, além de narrar o processo que antecede a reorganização institucional ocorrida em 1979, com o final do bipartidarismo. The theme of this dissertation belongs to the study of political history and is situated in the context of "distension and opening policy in Brazil”. In this context we analyze the partisan divisions that exist in the Arena and the MDB Bahia, and the relationship between these parties. To this end we emphasize the speeches and debates of state representatives in the Legislative Assembly. We also analyze the periods prior to the elections of 1974, 1976 and 1978, the elections results and its impact or relation to partisan divisions. We seek, therefore, not exactly to draw a profile of political leaders from Bahia but of their party groups, distinguishing the characteristics of MDB and Arena divisions, as well as narrating the historical process prior to the institutional reorganization occurred in 1979, with the end of bipartisanship. / Salvador

Submitted by Clebson Anjos (clebson.leandro54@gmail.com) on 2016-01-26T18:28:50Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 6026798 bytes, checksum: ccdb0e2d9308bbc44d25f8e764648f83 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-01-26T18:28:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 6026798 bytes, checksum: ccdb0e2d9308bbc44d25f8e764648f83 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-12-05 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The present paper is the result of a bibliographic and documentary research whose main purpose consists in identify how the theater artists of the State Paraiba were struck by theatrical censorship imposed by the military dictatorship during the years 1964-1988, seeking thus contribute with the exercise of the right to memory and truth. Therefore this study deals with the relations of censorship measures with the violation of human rights looking for identify the origin that has given the censorship their policing feature and also underscores the importance to investigate the archives of repression. The text outlines a panorama of censorship legislation set in a timeline that goes from the Vargas dictatorship to the New Republic, illustrating its application with facts and records in the history of Brazilian theater. From the documentation pertaining to the acquis of National Archives that portrays the Paraiba‟s dramaturgy censored, with the use of other sources, the following paper highlights the actions of federal censorship on the work of Paraiba‟s artists, showing that this authoritarian action of military dictatorship reached forcefully Paraíba theater and its artists in the period of utmost lack of liberty of Brazilian people story. / O presente trabalho é resultado de uma pesquisa bibliográfica-documental com o objetivo de identificar de que forma os artistas de teatro do Estado da Paraíba foram atingidos pela censura teatral imposta pela ditadura militar nos anos de 1964 a 1988, procurando, assim, contribuir com o exercício do direito à memória e à verdade. Para tanto, aborda a relação da ação censória com a violação dos Direitos Humanos e busca identificar a gênese que conferiu à censura sua característica policialesca e, ainda, ressalta a importância de se desvendar os arquivos da repressão. Traça um panorama da legislação censória instituída em uma linha do tempo que vai da ditadura de Vargas à Nova República, ilustrando a sua aplicação com fatos e dados da história do teatro brasileiro. A partir de documentação do acervo do Arquivo Nacional, que retrata a dramaturgia paraibana censurada, e uso de outras fontes, destaca a ação da censura federal sobre a obra dos artistas paraibanos, comprovando que essa ação autoritária da ditadura militar atingiu de forma contundente o teatro paraibano e seus artistas no período de maior privação de liberdade do povo brasileiro.

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / O presente trabalho investiga e analisa a produÃÃo memorialÃstica elaborada por e sobre mulheres que participaram do processo de resistÃncia a um regime de exceÃÃo que foi o perÃodo da ditadura civil-militar (1964-1985) no Brasil. Essa pesquisa analisa as transformaÃÃes efetuadas nas elaboraÃÃes de memÃrias atà entÃo produzidas, pois elas tiveram inÃcio ainda durante a ditadura, em meados da dÃcada de 1970, na forma de livros, e perduram atà a contemporaneidade se utilizando de novos suportes e tecnologias. Analisamos a produÃÃo destes diversos registros memorialÃsticos produzidos em diferentes temporalidades. A participaÃÃo das mulheres nesse processo de elaboraÃÃo das lembranÃas à assinalada pelas marcas de gÃnero, pois os discursos utilizados nos processos de rememoraÃÃo se utilizaram das representaÃÃes acerca dos modelos de feminilidade e masculinidade com propÃsito definido de ter suas demandas respondidas ou pelos menos dadas a conhecer. Dentro deste processo de elaboraÃÃo das lembranÃas verificamos que as memÃrias reafirmam o binarismo de gÃnero pautado nos modelos tradicionais de feminilidade e masculinidade mesmo que, pretensamente, em suas construÃÃes se ponham em cheque as diferenÃas entre homens e mulheres / This paper analyses the memorial production on and by women who participated in the resistance to a state of exception in Brazil kn own as Civil-Military Dictatorship (1964-1985). It analyses the transformations in the elaboration of memories made from that time until now, since they started being written during the dictatorship period, around the 1970âs, in books and are still in course nowadays in new media. Women participation on this process of elaboration of memories is indicated by gender marks since the discourse used during the re minding process is based on representations about the femininity and the mascul inity with intention of having their demands fulfilled or, at least, heard. Within this process of elaboration of memories, we find out that the memories reaffirm the binary m odel of gender based on the traditional models of femininity and masculinity, e ven though, in their constructions, the differences between men and women are supposedl y being questioned.

Orientador: José Luis Sanfelice / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-28T14:16:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gomes_AguinaldoRodrigues_D.pdf: 19178032 bytes, checksum: 068f66136d15a5a19cfcde3ddf684e0c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: Objetivamos na presente tese analisar os efeitos das transformações econômicas ocorridas na região centro-oeste do Brasil no período compreendido entre 1964 e 1985. No entanto, retrocedemos um pouco para compreender como as metas políticas de Vargas e Juscelino, responsáveis respectivamente pela Marcha para o Oeste e pela industrialização do país, influenciaram na constituição do golpe de 1964. Esclarecemos que, do ponto de vista teórico-metodológico, buscamos nos referenciar no marxismo heterodoxo, dialogando com autores como Hobsbawm, Thompson, Gramsci e Williams. A documentação central utilizada no trabalho trata-se de um inquérito policial militar (IPM), convertido em processo-crime instaurado contra o professor comunista Enio Cabral em 1964, mas foram utilizadas também outras fontes, tais como: a revista Brasil-Oeste, documentos do PCB e entrevistas do réu e do juiz do caso analisado. Procuramos compreender, por meio da pesquisa, o processo de modernização da região centro-oeste e seu imbricamento com o nacional-desenvolvimentismo e a Marcha para o Oeste, com intuito de compreender como esse conservadorismo no plano econômico e social influenciou também a política e a educação e produziu na região condições para a sustentação de regimes autoritários. Para tanto, primeiramente procuramos apresentar o sujeito da pesquisa, focalizando sua origem social, formação escolar e seus primeiros contatos com as ideias do PCB. Em seguida, buscamos esmiuçar a ideia de uma modernização conservadora a partir do diálogo com as fontes, principalmente a partir da revista Brasil-Oeste, e com a historiografia que discutiu o tema da ditadura na região sul do Mato Grosso. Posteriormente, apresentamos alguns aspectos da educação no contexto da ditadura, demonstrando como os professores foram alvo da perseguição dos militares, relacionando aos acontecimentos que se passaram na cidade de Aquidauana. Finalmente, buscamos visualizar como o Estado e seus representantes compreenderam de maneira contraditória as ações de Enio e dos demais comunistas daquele período a partir do debate travado entre acusação e defesa, entendendo-os como uma disputa, não meramente jurídica, mas sim entre dois projetos contraditórios de sociedade, ou seja, entre capitalistas e socialistas / Abstract: We aim in this thesis to analyze the effects of economic transformations in the Midwest region of Brazil, between the years 1964 to 1985. However, retreat a while in time to understand how the political objectives of Vargas and Juscelino, respectively responsible for the March far West and the industrialization of the country, influenced the constitution of the coup d¿état of 1964. We clarify so, from the theoretical-methodological point of view, we seek reference to the authors of unorthodox Marxism, dialoguing with authors like Hobsbawm, Thompson, Gramsci and Williams. The central documentation used at work is a military police investigation (IPM), converted to process crime brought against the communist teacher Enio Cabral in 1964, but were also used other sources such as the Brazil-West Magazine (Revista Brasil-Oeste), PCB documents and interviews of the defendant and the Judge of the analyzed case. We tried to understand, through this research, the process of modernization of the Midwest and its interweaving with national developmentalism and the March far West, seeks to understand how this conservatism in economic and social plan also influenced the politics and education and produced in the region conditions for support of authoritarian regimes. Therefore, first we try to present the research subject, focusing on his social background, school education and his first contacts with the PCB ideas. Then, we seek to scrutinize the idea of a conservative modernization from the dialogue with the sources, mainly from Brazil-West magazine, and the historiography, which discussed the theme of dictatorship in southern Mato Grosso. After, we present some aspects of education in the context of dictatorship, demonstrating how the teachers were the object of persecution by the military, relating to the events that followed in Aquidauana city. Finally, we seek to visualize how the State and its representatives understood in contradictory ways the actions of Enio and other communists of that period from the locked debate between prosecution and defense, understanding them as a dispute, not merely legal, but between two contradictory projects of society, that is, between capitalists and socialists / Doutorado / Filosofia e História da Educação / Doutor em Educação

This dissertation is about the function of borrowed democratic institutions in autocratic contexts, theorized to provide an arena of limited political competition between the regime and political outsiders. Despite existing explanations for how such institutions benefit the autocrat, there is much that remains unknown about their function in practice. I explore how the regime and opposition manipulate institutional features to their benefit in three papers. In the first, I show that systems of executive oversight create opportunities for the opposition to serve constituents and increase their support base. In the second, I find evidence that regime control over executive appointments is used to limit effectiveness of that opposition activity. In the third, I find that the regime's authorities over the legislature create distributional distortions in its favor -- but that other coalition members can also benefit. I address these topics using empirical analysis of novel data sources gathered during extensive fieldwork in Morocco, as well as theoretical modeling of institutional characteristics. Autocratic regimes are notorious for their opacity, and previous research has been limited by data accessibility; for the research presented here, I collect and analyze a vast database of legislative actions using techniques in webscraping and text analysis in order to obtain a more systematic understanding of legislative behavior and executive response. The results provide insight into how autocratic institutions -- superficially similar to democratic analogues -- operate differently in practice.