This thesis discusses the role of Czechoslovakia within the framework of the Chinese- Soviet split. Based on the analysis of archival sources, it explores Czechoslovak proceedings within the given issue at the diplomatic level as well as the Communist Party level. Its aim is to confirm or disprove the statement that Czechoslovakia was a so-called small player in this dispute and acted more independently on the USSR policy . It focuses on mutual Czechoslovak-Chinese relations and their development in the given period, i.e. 1950-1969. It analyzes the progress of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia from its viewpoint at international conferences of Communist and workers' organizations, but also at Party sessions. The thesis also describes the Chinese-Soviet split in the Third World and its influence on Czechoslovak policy. Last but not least, the thesis focuses on the factors that influenced the formation of the Czechoslovak attitude on this issue. The thesis studies given range of issues with the help of archival sources of Czech provenance and foreign materials available in electronic form.

This study examined technocracy in Haiti in the Cold War era. It showed how Haitian and non-Haitian technicians navigated United States imperialism, Soviet ideology, and postcolonial nationalism to implement bold utopian visions in a country oppressed by poverty and dynastic authoritarianism. Throughout the mid-to-late twentieth century, technicians lavished Haiti with plans to improve the countryside, the city, the workplace, and the home. This study analyzed those plans and investigated the motivations behind them. Based on new evidence discovered in the private correspondence between Haitian, American, and Western European specialists, it questioned the assumption that technocracy was captivated by high-modernist ideology and US hegemony. It exposed how many technicians were inspired by a utopian desire to create a just society—one based not only on technical knowledge but also on humanist principles, such as liberty and equality. Guided by the utopian impulse, technicians occasionally disobeyed policymakers who wished to promote modernization and the capitalist world-economy. In many cases, however, they also upset the Haitian people, who believed technocracy was too exclusive. This study concluded that technicians were empowered by expertise but unable to build the utopias they envisioned because they were constantly at odds with both policymakers at the top and the people whose lives they planned.

The administration of President George H. W. Bush from 1989 to 1992 saw several firsts in both American foreign policy towards the Middle East, and in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. At the beginning of the Bush Presidency, the intifada was raging in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and by the time it was over negotiations were already in progress for the most comprehensive agreement brokered in the history of the conflict to that point, the Oslo Accords. This paper will serve two purposes. First, it will delineate the relationships between the players in the Middle East and President Bush during the first year of his presidency. It will also explore his foreign policy towards the Middle East, and argue that it was the efforts of George H. W. Bush, and his diplomatic team that enabled the signing of the historic agreement at Oslo.

On July 28, 1915 the United States began a nineteen year military occupation of Haiti. The occupation connected Haiti and the United States and created an avenue of migration in the country. As a consequence of extreme racism in the South and segregation in the Northern states, the majority of the immigrants moved to Harlem. The movement of people reinvigorated the relationship between African Americans and Haitians. The connection constituted an avenue of the interwar Black International. Using newspapers articles, letters, and press releases from the Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture and the Yale Beinecke Rare Books and Manuscript Library I seek to examine the relationship between the two groups. The thesis demonstrates how they compared and contrasted the material conditions of the two cultures in order to promote solidarity. These common bonds, my thesis shows, were the basis for anti-occupation activism in the United States that was anti-imperialist and anti-capitalist.

This project seeks to include the historical significance of women in the Foreign Service and subsequently the United States Department of State between 1942 and 1964. Using the life and experience of Margaret Parx Hays, one of fewer than three hundred female foreign service officers before 1960, this study explores the importance of examining women at the "ground level." This narrative examines the life of Hays at several different duty stations and her experience navigating a male-dominant workplace congruent to the political and diplomatic missions of each stations. Hays was stationed in Buenos Aires, Argentina (1942-1945); Bogota, Columbia (1945-1947); Rio de Janeiro, Brazil (1948-1950); Washington D.C., U.S. (1951-1954; 1959-1962); Manila, Philippines (1954-1956); Mexico City, Mexico (1956-1958); and Hong Kong, China (1962-1964). Throughout the deployment at each station, Hays was confronted with major political events in her duty station's history or in the intersection of American foreign and domestic policy. Through the use of Hays's archived collection of personal papers, including letters and newspapers, this thesis presents a more representative story about women and about the Department of State as a larger whole than previous scholarship that has ignored how gender affected diplomatic history.

This thesis deals with the diplomatic relations between Yugoslavia and the United States through the Second World War and the first few months following the end of the War. It follows in chronological order the events influencing American-Yugoslav relations. Emphasis is placed on the development of Yugoslav internal events and their political implications.

In the third and fourth decades of the twentieth century Hiram W. Johnson was one of themost important men in Ameican public life. He attained his eminence through the power of the spoken wrod; as a master wielder of that power he is deserving subject for a study to which this thesis claim to be only the plodding and inept introduction. This thesis does not pretend to be an exhaustive study of Johnson's methods for three reason: 1. Its analysis of Johnson's speech composition is restricted to the third of the developmental stages listed above; 2. speeches selected for analyisis are restricted to the topic of U. S. foreing policy; 3. All but one of the speeches were made in the Senate, with its unique speech situation. It was felt that with this study thus qualified, it could not be adequately evaluated, nor could its conclusions be justified, without the inclusion of the speeches themselves in the thesis. This reasoning accountf for the fact that seventy-five percent of thtis thesis--the appendix--was written by Johnson. This paper is an attemps to determine the source of Johnson's personal influences on American foreign policy through an analysis of his oratorical methods and effectiveness.

Fifteenth-century diplomatic protocol required the city of Florence to send diplomats to congratulate both new and militarily victorious rulers. Diplomats on such missions poured praise on their triumphant allies and new rulers at friendly locations. However, political realities also meant that these diplomats would sometimes have to praise rulers whose accession or victory opposed Florentine interests. Moreover, different allies and enemies required different levels of praise. Jealous rulers compared the gifts, status, and oratory that they received from Florence to the Florentine entourages sent to their neighbors. Sending diplomats with too little or too much social status and eloquence could spell diplomatic disaster. Diplomats met these challenges by varying the style, structure, and content of their speeches. Far from formulaic pronouncements of goodwill, diplomatic orations varied from one speech to the next in order to meet the demands of the complex diplomatic world into which they fit. Contextualizing these orations reveals the subtle reservations of diplomats praising a hostile ruler, the insertion of specific citations to flatter specific audiences, and the changing intellectual and stylistic interests of humanists throughout the fifteenth century. This essay will examine the different shades of flattery practiced by Florentine diplomats and the contexts that explain these variations.

The decline of British influence in world affairs is one of the more pronounced political phenomena of modern times. Over the past century key territories subject to British rule have been slipping loose from their imperial moorings at an ever more rapid rate. Those remaining subject to British authority grow progressively more belligerent. In his search for an understanding or this eclipse or British sovereignty, the contemporary historian finds himself groping through a network of complexly interrelated social, political, economic, and psychological processes. One or another student or history has argued that specific instances or groups of these processes are the mechanisms motivating the collapse of the British hegemony. Among those more commonly cited is that group of influences intimately allied with and stimulated by the progressive maturation of voting franchise reform movements within the United Kingdom. In effect, this view argues that franchise reforms introduced radical changes in imperial attitudes in the United Kingdom and that these in turn led to long-range trends pointed at the splintering of the empire: e.g., the political decline of the landed aristocracy resulted in the creation of the Commonwealth; or, the rise or the Labor Party carried with it a campaign successfully aimed at the deliberate discarding of imperial holdings. It is the purpose or this study to examine this argument. Such an examination, it would seem, demands first of all a review of the more obvious factors concerned in the integration and disintegration of the British empire. This review should provide a context within which specific franchise reform within the United Kingdom can be related to other historical events contemporary with them but more specifically related to the disintegration of Britain's imperial hegemony. It is proposed that these relationships should lead to an effective basis for accessing the relative truth or falsehood of the argument that progressive franchise reform has been one of the historical trends largely contributory to the dismemberment of the British empire. Since the analysis to be presented is in part contingent upon a specialized understanding of the term empire, it would appear necessary to begin with a definition of this term.

Finally in the 1880’s there emerged a reformist group which was ultimately to be the model of the viability, adaptability, effectiveness, and success of evolutionary socialism. The group called itself the Fabian Society and in the beginning it seemed to be not unlike other protest or reformist groups which were springing up all over England at the time. The difference was that this group, though always small in numbers, was to have a tremendous impact throughout England and the rest of the democratic world. To be specific, the ideas of the Fabian Socialists can clearly be seen as influencing the movement toward the welfare state in America and this is the main thesis this paper aims to prove - that the ideas and programs of the Fabian Socialists were first implemented in Britain and later in the United State, particularly since the advent of Franklin Delano Roosevelt and his New Deal. It is the author’s contention that these ideas and programs of the Fabians are comparable to a developing movement in the United States toward the welfare state or as others would term it, the good society. This, then, is what the writer seeks to prove.