L’étude des phénomènes agraires propres à la colonisation israélienne de la Palestine permet de révéler plusieurs formes de dépossessions participant à l’effacement de la population autochtone du paysage. Bien que l’agriculture demeure l’un des moyens les plus employés afin de coloniser la Cisjordanie, elle demeure paradoxalement l’un des outils les plus puissants de résistance du peuple palestinien en permettant l’exercice d’une territorialité autochtone. Or, si le gouvernement palestinien voit en l’agriculture industrielle un outil de développement économique dans une conception agro-industrielle, des modèles alternatifs visant une territorialisation du système alimentaire palestinien émergent depuis la première Intifada (1987-1993), dont l’agroécologie. Fondamentalement radicale et œuvrant pour une transformation des systèmes alimentaires dans une optique d’atteinte de souveraineté alimentaire, cette dernière permet une agriculture limitant la consommation d’eau et d’intrants, tout en réduisant la superficie de terres agricoles utilisées par les producteurs. Le contexte palestinien étant caractérisé par la dépossession territoriale, hydrique, commerciale et de la main-d’œuvre, l’utilisation de ce modèle à des fins de résistance et de transition revêt une pertinence notable. En s’appuyant notamment sur des données recueillies sur le terrain lors d’un séjour en Cisjordanie durant le mois d’octobre 2022, cette recherche exploratoire analysera la portée de l’agroécologie politique comme outil de transition du système alimentaire palestinien dans une optique d’économie de résistance. Il s’agira donc de présenter les limites d’application de ce modèle en contexte de colonisation directe. / The colonization of Palestine by Israel and its use of agriculture as a tool of dispossession is a concrete measure leading to the erasure of Palestinian natives from the landscape. However, the study of agrarian resistance allows us to see agriculture as both a tool of destruction and reproduction. By occupying the land and consequently preventing the use of tenure laws by Israeli settlers to steal the land from Palestinians, native agricultural workers are leading a movement of agro-resistance. Amidst the Palestinian government’s vision of conventional agriculture as a tool of development, alternative models of agriculture such as agroecology have been emerging since the First Intifada (1987-1993). Fundamentally radical, agroecology aims to transform food systems and is based on the principles of food sovereignty and agrarian sustainability. By reducing the dependency of agricultural workers on chemical inputs, heavy use of irrigation techniques and large areas of land, this alternative model could be an interesting path of transition in Palestine as a tool of resistance and decolonization of the agricultural sector. Using data collected during field work carried out in October 2022, this exploratory research will demonstrate the potential of political agroecology as a path of transition through the lens of resistance economy. The limits of its application in a settler-colonial context will be presented as well as their connection to different forms of dispossession carried out by the Israeli government.

Since the onset of the global financial crisis, urban dwellers face an increasing number of obstacles in establishing themselves on the housing market. Against this backdrop, this paper addresses the variegated dynamics of real estate dispossession in the tourist conurbation Los Cristianos/Las Américas on an intra-urban scale. First, I will present the spatio-temporal patterns of dispossession for the period 2001–2015 using the ATLANTE database (CGPJ). Specifically, I analyze mortgage foreclosures and tenant evictions, both for residential and commercial spaces. Second, I delve deeper into local experiences of dispossession of the resident population and their housing and income conditions by means of questionnaires that I conducted in 2018. The data shows that mortgage foreclosures and dispossessions of residential spaces predominate the initial years after the crisis, albeit with varied spatial incidence. However, the increase in tenant evictions from 2014 onwards points to a reconfiguration of displacement dynamics. Indeed, as stated by the interviewees, staggeringly high rent burdens have become the main driver for displacement from both living and working spaces in recent years. Given the ongoing global pandemic, further and more nuanced research is necessary to grasp how these prevailing housing insecurities are shaped during and beyond the coronavirus crisis.

The complexities of issues existing in Kenya create a domino effect directly affecting not only the effective management and economic growth of Kenya, but also social and legislative constraints to the lower socioeconomic classes. Land dispossession, proof of ownership to property and nationality are ongoing troubling issues affecting increased orphans and vulnerable children (OVC) in Kenya, most noticeably within predominantly poverty stricken rural enclaves. This research focuses on the bold move of stakeholders of Trinity United Methodist Church in Naivasha, Kenya partnering with First United Methodist Church of Winter Park, Orlando, United States of America. In 2010, they conceptualized Panua Partners in Hope, a transformational ministerial assisted non-profit organization program. These churches recently established support to orphans and vulnerable children (OVC) in Naivasha, Kenya. Decisively apply all their available resources to stem the varying issues these orphaned and vulnerable children (OVC) are facing. Whereby, the program is designed to teach self-sufficiency, wealth creation through sustainable income generation and entrepreneurship, and religious relationship development. Continued education is a key component of which Panua mandates. Ongoing (learning) education ensures each child remain in school – (basic, primary and secondary school levels). In addition to ensuring orphans and vulnerable children (OVC) are legally aware of their civil, human and property rights. Conversely, these issues being perpetual worldwide challenges, however, the aim of this research is to specifically address its impactive progression on orphans and vulnerable children (OVC). Thus, outlining their local conditions, the provisions of governmental policies, and assistance, or lack thereof to remedy such current challenges. Additionally, the research will outline reformed constitutional statutes despite being ratified, have not addressed the major issues currently impinging on the freedom and rights of rural communities in Naivasha, Kenya.

This study is an attempt to contribute to the discussion on theology and land restitution. The researcher approaches it from a theological background and acknowledges the many contributions on this subject in other fields. Since this is a theological contribution, this research has the Bible as its point of departure. Black people are deeply rooted in the land. Land dispossession destroyed the God-ordained and created bond between black people and their black selves. Land dispossession also had a terrible economic impact upon black people. As result of land dispossession Bantustans were established. These black areas were economically disadvantaged and black people were forced to live in impoverished conditions. Land, which was a primary source of life for black people, was brutally taken away from them. Consequently, black people were forced to leave the Bantustans in search for employment in “white” South Africa. Because of this, they were made slaves and labourers in the country of their birth. The Bantustans were not considered to be part of South Africa; hence black people were aliens in their ancestral motherland. The black communal economic system was destroyed as a result of land dispossession. (The black communal economic system refers to an economic system where everyone works the land and thus benefits economically from the land.) The results of this are still seen in present-day South Africa. The majority of black people are still living at the margins of society because in the past, they were made subservient and dependent on white people to survive economically. Since apartheid was a system that was sustained on cheap black labour, this dependency on the white economy was systemic and generational. It is for this very reason that we see the very disproportionate face of the economy today. In an attempt to arrest the imbalance, the restoration of land to black people is inevitable. It is only then that black people will be liberated from being overly dependent on white people for their 3 survival. Land dispossession also had a terrible impact upon the identity and “blackness” of black people; black people internalised oppression as a result of the apartheid system, which was affirmed by the Dutch Reformed Church as a God-ordained system. This system officially paved the way and was used as the vehicle for land dispossession in South Africa; it destroyed black people and it is therefore not by chance that black people have become the greatest consumers. The identity of black people is deeply rooted in their ancestral motherland and land dispossession had a brutal impact upon the blackness of black people. Black people, as a result of land dispossession, started to doubt their humanness. Land dispossession also had a dreadful impact upon the relationships of black people with themselves and the relationships between white people and black people. These relationships were immorally and officially damaged by the apartheid system, which was deeply structural. Thus, when dealing with the land question in South Africa, the fact that it is deeply structural should be kept in mind. The church is entrusted with the task of reconciling the damaged relationships in a transformational manner. This can only be done when black people and white people engage and embrace each other on an equal basis. But black people and white people in South Africa cannot be on an equal basis as long as structural divisions which still advantage some and disadvantage others are not dealt with in a transformational manner. Therefore the need for land restitution in South Africa is necessary today because it does not only relate to the issues of faith and identity, but it is also economic. The consequences of the dispossession of land in the past are still evident in present-day South Africa. Land dispossession has had a terrible impact upon the faith of black people, whose faith is strongly linked to land (place). Faith and belonging are interrelated. The restoration of land to black people is necessary to reconcile black people with their faith and consequently with themselves. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / D.Th. (Theological Ethics)

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[pt] A presente dissertação procura abordar o atual marco regulatório das desapropriações por interesse social para fins de reforma agrária, formado pela Constituição Federal de 1988 e pelas normas que a regulamentaram, analisando o seu processo de elaboração, o seu conteúdo e a sua aplicação. As atuais normas reguladoras da desapropriação por interesse social para fins de reforma agrária apresentam-se como desdobramento de uma luta política travada há tempos na sociedade brasileira, cujo desfecho ainda se encontra distante. Em razão disto, este conjunto normativo, além de contraditório e ambíguo, mostra- se claramente desfavorável à efetivação da reforma agrária, significando um retrocesso se comparado ao texto constitucional anterior, uma vez que provocou uma redução da capacidade expropriatória do Poder Executivo. Contudo, apesar disto, a partir de 1995, em razão da intensa pressão e da mobilização das organizações de trabalhadores rurais em torno da reforma agrária, houve um aumento considerável do número de desapropriações, de assentamentos e de famílias assentadas pelo governo federal. A investigação pretendida tem como principal referência teórica no campo da Teoria do Direito a obra do dinamarquês Alf Ross e busca contribuir para uma exata compreensão das dificuldades atualmente existentes para a realização de uma reforma agrária no Brasil e para um aperfeiçoamento da legislação referente às desapropriações para fins de reforma agrária. / [en] The present dissertation seeks to develop the actual regulatory dispossession landmark made by social interests with agrarian reform goal formed by the Federal Constitution of 1988 and by the laws that regularized it, analyzing its elaboration process, so much as its content and application. The present dispossession regulatory laws of the subject in analysis are the development of a long political struggle in the Brazilian society, struggle that shows no sign of ending in the near horizon. Thus, this conjoint of laws are not only contradictory and ambiguous but are also clearly contrary to the real effectiveness of the agrarian reform. Hitherto, it has been a retrocession to the agrarian reform if compared to the previous Constitution once it has diminished the Executive`s expropriatory capacity. Nevertheless, since 1995, because of the intense pression and the rural workers mobilization in favor of the agrarian reform there has been an increasing number of dispossession and of family settlements made by the federal government .In a nutshell, the intended investigation has as its main theorical reference in the general theory of law the Danish author Alf Ross. It also seeks to contribute to an exact comprehension of the nowadays barriers to the agrarian reform realization in Brazil and to a related legislation improvement.

Esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar a realização da Copa do Mundo de Futebol de 2014 no Brasil, levando em consideração não apenas seus legados e impactos mais evidentes, mas principalmente compreendendo-a como parte substantiva da dinâmica mais geral do modo de produção capitalista em sua relação com as cidades-sede, os lugares. Como maiores eventos do planeta, as Copas apresentam-se como veículos passageiros e particulares do processo de totalização do capitalismo, sendo simultaneamente matrizes parciais do tempo e do espaço desse período histórico marcado pela crise econômica internacional. Nesse movimento, tendo os lugares como espaços finais de sua realização, esses megaeventos deixam marcas profundas; promovem a qualificação de uma determinada fração do tempo no qual ocorrem, determinados pelas necessidades do capital de se reproduzir lucrativamente, algo complexo nesse momento crítico. A totalidade, essa trama de eventos emaranhada entre as necessidades e possibilidades concretas dos lugares, ganha novos desenhos nas cidades a partir do contato com a agenda estabelecida pelo megaevento. Desde 2007, quando o Brasil foi escolhido como sede do Mundial e a crise econômica já aparecia no horizonte dos Estados Unidos e da Europa, as cidades brasileiras vivem a realidade desta agenda crítica pautada pela Federação Internacional de Futebol (FIFA). Tendo como pano de fundo as estratégias rígidas das corporações patrocinadoras e interessadas no evento, promove-se um verdadeiro estado de emergência para o atendimento das normas e padrões FIFA. Tomadas por uma avalanche de obras e negócios imobiliários desvinculados de planos estratégicos associados às necessidades mais sentidas da população, as cidades-sede tornam-se experimentos de novas formas de privatização e espoliação, sob o regime de leis de exceção e violações de direitos. Tal dinâmica imposta às cidades da Copa como um todo é manifesta de forma evidente na elaboração de uma nova centralidade na Região Metropolitana de Recife por meio da construção do grande empreendimento imobiliário Cidade da Copa, a partir do novo estádio construído para o evento. Trata-se pois, da eclosão no Brasil de uma crise fundamentalmente urbana que, se por um lado estrutura verdadeiras cidades de exceção, no outro vértice promove também a força criativa das resistências. Como demonstraram as manifestações urbanas multitudinárias de junho de 2013 e os protestos ininterruptos que se seguiram a elas, a revanche dos lugares à agenda da Copa pode estruturar também cidades rebeldes como legados. / This dissertation aims to examine the implementation of the World Cup 2014 in Brazil, taking into consideration not only its legacy and most obvious impacts, but mostly understanding it as a substantive part of the wider dynamics of the capitalist way of production in its relationship with the host cities, the places. As some of the biggest events on the planet, the World Cups are presented as individual and transitory vehicles of the aggregation process of capitalism, while being simultaneous matrices of time and space during this historical period marked by global economic crisis. In this movement, having spaces as the places of their full realization, these mega events leave deep marks; they promote the qualification of a certain fraction of the time in which they occur, determined by the needs of capital to play profitably, something complex during this critical moment. The totality, this \"web of events\" tangled between the concrete needs and possibilities of places, gains new designs in cities from contact with the agenda set by the mega event. Since 2007, when Brazil was chosen to host this event and the economic crisis had already appeared on the North American and European horizon, Brazilian cities are living the reality of a critical agenda guided by the International Football Federation (FIFA). In the background of the rigid strategies of the sponsors and corporations interested in the event, a true state of emergency is promoted to meet norms and \"FIFA standards\". Taken by an avalanche of construction sites and real state negotiations unrelated to strategic plans that take into account the needs of the population, the host cities become experiments in new forms of privatization and dispossession, under the regime of emergency laws and rights violations. Such dynamics - imposed on the World Cup cities as a whole - is clearly manifested in the drafting of a new central location in the metropolitan area of Recife through the construction of large real estate project called \"Cidade da Copa\", around the stadium built for the event. This is the outbreak in Brazil of a fundamentally urban crisis, where on the one hand \"cities of exception\" are structured, and in another vertex a creative power of resistance is also promoted. As demonstrated in the multitudinous urban protests of June 2013 and the uninterrupted protests that followed them, the requital that took places in host cities can also structure \"rebellious cities\" as legacies.

The main objective of my dissertation is to analyze and compare the socio-ecological implications of the adoption of genetically modified (GM) seeds and alternative agroecological farming methods for farming communities in Alberta, Canada and Andhra Pradesh, India localities situated in contrasting geopolitical, socio-cultural, and structural-institutional contexts in the global economy. For this research, the adoption of GM canola in Alberta and GM cotton in Andhra Pradesh are used as comparative case studies to explore the qualitative impact of agricultural biotechnology on farming communities. Many studies have examined the potential impact of GM crops, but few have looked beyond economic cost-benefit analysis. In this dissertation, I examine social and cultural aspects of farmer decision-making in the adoption of the new seed technology, farmer receptivity to new cropping methods, knowledge translation between laboratory and farmer, and the impact of global knowledge-based technology on local knowledge systems, socio-cultural practices, the nature-society relationship, and gender relations. I use a global ethnography methodology and draw on a series of field interviews with farmers to provide sociological insight into how global processes of the Gene Revolution impact different farming communities in different localities in the world-economy. In this dissertation I argue that the debate about the new agricultural technologies (e.g. GM seeds), the environment and agrarian crises should not be narrowed to the question of new technologies per se. Rather it should be understood from an agrarian political ecology perspective articulating political economy (neoliberal governance at global, national and provincial levels, and the processes of dispossession of primary agricultural producers from their means and conditions of production), socio-cultural systems (the construction of hegemonic discourse about genetically modified organisms, agricultural deskilling, gender relations), and ecosystems (a process of mastering nature, monoculturization, environmental risks, metabolic rift) in the context of neoliberal globalization. My fieldwork study of the Gene Revolution provides closer, more fine-grained research and analysis of its impacts with sensitivity to local class and status, gender and cultural issues, and the ways in which farmers technology adoption decisions can dramatically alter overall quality of life, local knowledge systems, community development, the sustainability of agriculture and the ecosystem itself.

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This thesis has two central goals. The first is to theorize the confrontation of Indigenous societies and European settler society as, among other things, a conflict between two opposing conceptions of the human relationship with nature — human ecology. The Western/settler view is that nature is external to humans and instrumental to their development. John Locke’s philosophy provides an excellent example of this type of thinking. In contrast, the world-view of many Indigenous societies is characterized by a sense of ontological continuity between humans and the ecology. The second aim of this thesis is to contribute to ecological political theory by exploring the contrast between these two divergent views of human ecology. It is suggested that this contrast provides a theoretically fertile site for an ecological politics suitable for a post-modern, post-capitalist future. These theoretical observations are grounded in a concrete case study: the Delgamuukw legal episode. / Graduate