This dissertation investigates how Dissenting writers, among them Samuel Annesley and Richard Baxter, influenced the religious thought of Daniel Defoe. Though some critics, most notably G. A. Starr and J. Paul Hunter, have positioned Defoe within a broad "Puritan" tradition, his religious ideas are more properly understood within the specific circumstances of post-Restoration England, as the unique pressures engendered by the Interregnum impelled many Dissenting writers to privilege "Practical Religion" over abstract theology. The aversion to "doubtfull disputations" that Defoe inherits from this discourse informs not only the modes of argument Defoe employs, but also the genres through which he engages with theological questions. Throughout his writing, however, his attachment to Biblical typology, which is informed by his dependence on the Bible as a stable locus of indisputable “plainness,” comes into conflict with his political tenets, as Scripture provides no firm precedent for the mode of contractual kingship introduced by the Glorious Revolution. At first seeking to mute the incongruities between "Hebrew times" and "modern" circumstances, Defoe is eventually impelled to reconceptualise typology, formulating a theory that both acknowledges the authority of the Bible while allowing William, and the mode of contractual kingship he represents, to surpass Scriptural types. This attitude towards typology fundamentally underpins the narrative of Robinson Crusoe (1719), which systematically repudiates Biblical narratives. Rather than adhering to prefigurative Biblical patterns, the novel is built on a series of divergences, first personal and then political, from Scriptural models. Anchored in his specific geographic and economic circumstances, Crusoe’s conversion is markedly distanced from Biblical types, represented as a process unique to his situation, rather than an iteration of an existing pattern. Ultimately, this dissertation contends that Defoe’s religious thought, specifically his commitment to "Practical Religion" and the typological hermeneutic this discourse underpins, is fundamentally informed by his relationship with post-Restoration Dissent. / Thesis (Ph.D, English) -- Queen's University, 2013-08-01 15:48:01.785

Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2015-05-25T14:30:56Z No. of bitstreams: 1 LucineideMedeiros.pdf: 2444732 bytes, checksum: ec183a895b297f1cb600cb7278d4cc1c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-25T14:30:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 LucineideMedeiros.pdf: 2444732 bytes, checksum: ec183a895b297f1cb600cb7278d4cc1c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-03-12 / FORD - Programa Internacional de Bolsas de Pós-Graduação da Fundação Ford / A parceria entre o MST e o Estado na promoção da Educação do Campo é o foco neste trabalho. Desde a perspectiva da participação popular, tendo em vista a transformação social, analisamos a parceria entre o MST e o Estado na promoção da Educação do Campo, realizada no âmbito do PRONERA. O objetivo central consiste em identificar seu significado no contexto amplo das parcerias que marcam, na atualidade, a relação entre Estado e sociedade na promoção das políticas sociais, buscando, ao mesmo tempo, perceber suas repercussões no MST, em vista de sua importância estratégica nas lutas sociais anticapitalistas. Partimos da compreensão de que a parceria na Educação do Campo tem uma potência diferenciada, formada no processo histórico que a constitui e na práxis dos seus sujeitos. Tal potência lhe favorece inscrever, no espaço institucional do Estado, o conflito que determina a Educação do Campo, o MST e o PRONERA. Por isso, entendemos que se trata de um espaço pedagógico potencialmente promotor de sujeitos e de práxis social subversiva à ordem dominante, cuja realização se relaciona diretamente ao posicionamento contra-hegemônico de tais sujeitos nas relações sociais. A obtenção dos dados foi guiada pelos princípios da pesquisa participante, considerando, especialmente, os aportes de Orlando Fals Borda, Carlos Brandão e Danilo Streck. A observação participante, análise documental e entrevistas foram as principais estratégias utilizadas. A epistemologia dialética fundamentou a construção analítica, cuja dinâmica implicou a articulação entre processo histórico, realidade atual e experiência, tendo em vista a apreensão do ser social a partir do processo de totalização das relações sociais. Nesse sentido, tomamos como ângulo de análise duas experiências de parceria em cursos formais de Educação do Campo, realizadas no Piauí, envolvendo o MST e a Secretaria de Educação do Estado. Na mediação teórica, destacamos a teoria do Estado ampliado em Gramsci, mediante os aportes de Ilse, Scherer-Warren, Glória Gohn e Alfonso Torres, que, situados no contexto latinoamericano, ajudam a dialogar com as teorias clássicas, especialmente a norteamericana e a européia. No campo da educação, Paulo Freire, Carlos Brandão, Marco Raúl Mejía, Conceição Paludo e Afonso Scocuglia são alguns dos autores que auxiliam na análise desde o movimento da educação popular. No que tange especificamente à Educação do Campo e seu movimento, tomamos como referências principais a produção da articulação nacional “Por uma Educação do Campo” e autores como Roseli Caldart, Mônica Molina e Bernardo Mançano. Ao final, concluímos que a potência da parceria na Educação do Campo, promovida pelo PRONERA, tem assegurado conquistas políticas e intelectuais importantes à luta do MST e a promoção de campo como lugar de possibilidades. No entanto, continuar avançando nessa direção exige sua superação, tendo em vista o objetivo da realização da Educação do Campo como política pública, sob a responsabilidade do Estado, e o horizonte estratégico da luta do MST pela transformação social. Tal superação implica a conservação dessas conquistas como patrimônio das lutas populares e, especialmente, dos povos do campo. / The focus of this dissertation is the partnership between the Movement of the Landless Rural Workers (MST) and the state in the promotion of education in rural areas. From the perspective of popular participation and aimingat social transformation, the author analyzes the partnership between the MST and the state in the promotion of education in rural areas within the framework of PRONERA. Hermain goal is to identify its significance in the broad context of the present partnerships between the state and society in the promotion of social policies and, atthe same time, to discuss the repercussion of the partnership in the MST given the latter’s strategic importance in the anti-capitalist social struggles. Her starting point is the understanding that the partnership in education in rural areas has a unique power forged in the historical process that constitutes it and in the praxis of its subjects. This power enables it to inscribe in the institutional space of the state the conflict that determines education in rural areas, the MST and PRONERA. For this reason the author sees it as a pedagogical space that potentially promotes subjects and a social praxis that subverts the dominant order and is directly related to the counter-hegemonic position of those subjects in social relations. The data were gathered under the guidance of the principles of participatory research, particularly the contributions made by Orlando Fals Borda, Carlos Brandão and Danilo Streck. The main research strategies consisted of participatory observation, analysis of documents and interviews. The dialectical epistemology served as the foundation for the analytical construction, whose dynamics implied an articulation between the historical process, present reality and experience, with a view to apprehend the social being on the basis of the totalizing of social relations. In this sense the author analyzes two experiences of partnership in formal education courses in rural areas held in the state of Piauí involving the MST and the state’s Department of Education. In the theoretical mediation she highlights Gramsci’s theory of the extended state through the contributions made by Ilse Schrer-Warren, Glória Gohn and Alfonso Torres, which, situated in the Latin American context, help her to dialogue with the classical theories, particularly the North American and the European theories. In the field of education, Paulo Freire, Carlos Brandão, Marco Raúl Mejía, Conceição Paludo and Afonso Scocuglia are some of the authors used for the analysis from the point of view of popular education. As far as the education in rural areas and its movement are concerned, the author focuses on the production of the national networking called “For an Education in Rural Areas” and on authors such as Roseli Caldart, Mônica Molina and Bernardo Mançano. She concludes that the power of the partnership in education in rural areas promoted by PRONERA has guaranteed political and intellectual achievements that are important for the struggle of the MST and the promotion of rural areas as places of possibilities. However, the further advance in this direction demands its overcoming, since thegoal is to implement education in rural areas as a public policy, under the responsibility of the state and the strategic horizon of the MST’s struggle for social transformation. Such overcoming implies the preservation of those achievements as an inheritance of the popular struggles, particularly of the rural population.

Este trabalho parte de uma reflexão acerca da noção de espaço público a fim de debater, em dois níveis, tal conceito. Em uma primeira problematização, buscaremos evidenciar a dimensão de gênero presente na acepção dominante de espaço público ao questionar os parâmetros históricos de constituição da dicotomia público-privada como uma tecnologia de produção de espaços generificados tradicionalmente cindida entre homens-públicos e mulheres-privadas. A discussão sobre a instauração destas esferas separadas é tratada à luz da história, geografia e teoria feminista, bem como dos recentes estudos que associam as teorias de gênero a reflexões do campo da arquitetura e urbanismo. Em um segundo nível de argumentação, buscaremos vislumbrar de que maneira um modelo agonístico de democracia, preconizado por Chantal Mouffe (2013) pode ser posto em marcha a partir de práticas artísticas críticas que evidenciam o caráter sempre dissensual e disputado do espaço público. Ao considerá-lo enquanto lócus de disputas, a arte crítica (MOUFFE, 2013; RANCIÈRE, 2012) produzida em espaços urbanos por artistas feministas desponta como possibilidade de produção de dissensos (RANCIÈRE, 1996) que tornam visíveis os limites da noção hegemônica e consensual pressuposta nos termos de espaço público. A partir de imagens produzidas em performances realizadas em diferentes espaços públicos, apresentamos quatro montagens de imagens de quatro artistas visuais como modo de tramar relações visuais e teóricas que emergem da contestação pública destas ações. As montagens são analisadas à luz dos conceitos de práticas artísticas agonísticas (MOUFFE, 2013), dissenso (RANCIÈRE, 1996) e partilha do sensível (RANCIÈRE, 2009) / This work starts from a reflection about the notion of public space in order to discuss it, at two levels. In a first level, we seek to highlight the gender dimension within the dominant common sense of public space by questioning the historical parameters of constitution of the public-private dichotomy as a technology producing gendered spaces, traditionally divided between public men and private women. The establishment of these separate spheres is approached in the light of feminist history, geography, and theory, as well as recent studies that associate gender theories within the architecture and urbanism fields. In a second level of argumentation, we seek to see how an agonistic model of democracy, advocated by Chantal Mouffe (2013), can be set off from critical artistic practices that evidence the ever dissensual and disputed character of public space. In considering it as a locus of disputes, the critical art (MOUFFE, 2013; RANCIÈRE, 2012) produced in urban spaces by feminist artists emerges as a possibility of dissent production (RANCIÈRE, 1996) that makes visible the limits of the hegemonic and consensual notion assumption in the hegemonic terms of public space. Starting from images produced in artistic performances performed in different public spaces, we present four montages of images of four visual artists as a way of plotting visual and theoretical relations that emerge from the public contestation of these actions. The assemblies are analyzed in the light of the concepts of agonistic artistic practices (MOUFFE, 2013), dissent (RANCIÈRE, 1996) and the distribution of the sensible (RANCIÈRE, 2009)

This dissertation explores the ways marginalized slaves and orphans came together to create new mission communities in western Tanzania. It shows that slave emancipation was a complex process that involved flight to the missions, public declarations, and certification of emancipation. Former slaves joined missions and their descendants became the first-generation Christians, and some worked as teachers, pastors and catechists. The dissertation centers on multiple language communities brought in juxtaposition by the slave trade, wars, and migrations to examine their involvement in the translation of Christian texts into the Kinyamwezi language. It argues that translation of the New Testament, religious texts and songs was a reciprocal process of Africans and European missionaries teaching each other. In so doing, translation became a stimulus for independent interpretation, as Nyamwezi translators acted as independent intellectuals in shaping an African interpretation of Christianity. In remote areas, far from the centers of mission stations, catechists and teachers helped adherents by translating the Bible and religious texts into their own languages, contributing to the growth of African Christianity. In addition to translation, teachers and catechists administered churches in villages, taught catechism, and prepared the young and adults for baptism and confirmation. They established their own schools, and devised teaching methods and ways of obtaining pupils for instruction. Their families not only provided a model of Christian families but also laid the foundation for African Christianity as children were baptized, attended mission schools and became teachers and catechists, and in some cases, nuns and priests. Furthermore, lay women and wives of the Nyamwezi teachers and catechists taught children in Sunday schools, while others accompanied teachers in villages and launched home-visit campaigns to attract more Nyamwezi women to join Christianity. The dissertation further argues that the growth of African Christianity in villages was not entirely the product of European missionary initiatives, but rather in significant measure the result of African cultural and intellectual creativity. The growth of Christianity in the twenty-century western Tanzania gave rise to the revival movement which spread in missions and villages, attracting Christians and pastors into revivalism. Nevertheless, divergent interpretations on the teachings of salvation, sin, and public confession of sins split Christians in the established mission churches into born-again pastors and Christians who supported revivalism and Christians who opposed the movement. This dissertation shows for the first time that lay Christians dissented from the revival movement, preventing born-again pastors and evangelists from holding services in churches. With growing tensions, some Christians seceded from the mainstream churches to form their own churches and installed their own pastors who worked independently from the control of the established churches.

This thesis studies the benefits that a religious organization acquires from its identification of, and reaction to, deviants within it. If an organization is to continue growing while still maintaining a unique identity, periodically it must have deviant movements within it. Theoretically, I apply insights from sociologists of deviance (particularly Durkheim and Erikson) about the functional benefits of deviance labeling for several aspects of group functioning, such as beliefs and the means of disseminating them, structure and hierarchy, internal policies, and leadership styles. I studied the Seventh-day Adventist organization, applying Festingers cognitive dissonance theory to it, in order to better illuminate its history and reaction to dissenters. I focused on three Adventist dissenters; Dudley Canright, John Harvey Kellogg, and the threat posed by Ellet J. Waggoner and Alonzo T. Jones, showing how the organization reinforced its boundaries and maintained control of its members by identifying and punishing these supposed deviants.

The purpose of this study is to analyze how and why Kelly initially began interjecting political satire into his comic strip Pogo and how he was able to avoid being blacklisted during the time of the Red Scare. The scope of this study includes a history of the medium, a biography of the author, and a discussion of humor as a means of dissent and personal artistry. The methodology uses both historical documentation and semiotic analysis of Kelly’s work from high school, the Disney studios, The New York Star and Pogo. Case studies include gender racial, and political analysis. The findings resulted from an analysis of the archive. Conclusions reached were that Kelly’s work created a new form of political dissent that was less satirical than editorial cartoons of the day and more directed toward the enjoyment of the reader rather than at any political affiliation, a form of comedic writing that continues to be used today in such forms as the Daily Show, Colbert Report and Saturday Night Live. This new form of political satire is important to journalistic studies since it reveals a theme of parrhesia, a Socratic term for speaking truth to power, that was further developed in the twentieth century by Star columnist I. F. Stone and French philosopher Michel Foucault. The primary limitation of this study was that Pogo was an extremely personal work, one that could not be duplicated by others successfully after the author died.

No description available.

States respond to dissent with repressive means to stay in power. However, there are observed variations in how violently this repressive behavior actually is. Drawing on theories using gender inequality as one of the main, but often dismissed, determinants of violence and armed conflict, the thesis hypothesizes that attitudes to gender equality can help explain the variations in state repression. The theoretical argument is grounded in how gender norms characterized by militarized masculinities shape conflict norms since it is related to how ‘others’ in general are treated in society. By employing regression analysis, and testing the relationship between gender equality, operationalized through the Women’s Political Empowerment Index, and state repression in relation to a maximalist campaign, I found statistical support for the hypothesis that at higher levels of gender equality, repression is less likely to be extreme. The results also suggest that previous repressive behavior matters and that the severity of repression depends on the primary method of resistance within the campaign as well. The thesis thus further reinforces the importance of incorporating gender equality when attempting to explain collective violence.

Este trabalho parte de uma reflexão acerca da noção de espaço público a fim de debater, em dois níveis, tal conceito. Em uma primeira problematização, buscaremos evidenciar a dimensão de gênero presente na acepção dominante de espaço público ao questionar os parâmetros históricos de constituição da dicotomia público-privada como uma tecnologia de produção de espaços generificados tradicionalmente cindida entre homens-públicos e mulheres-privadas. A discussão sobre a instauração destas esferas separadas é tratada à luz da história, geografia e teoria feminista, bem como dos recentes estudos que associam as teorias de gênero a reflexões do campo da arquitetura e urbanismo. Em um segundo nível de argumentação, buscaremos vislumbrar de que maneira um modelo agonístico de democracia, preconizado por Chantal Mouffe (2013) pode ser posto em marcha a partir de práticas artísticas críticas que evidenciam o caráter sempre dissensual e disputado do espaço público. Ao considerá-lo enquanto lócus de disputas, a arte crítica (MOUFFE, 2013; RANCIÈRE, 2012) produzida em espaços urbanos por artistas feministas desponta como possibilidade de produção de dissensos (RANCIÈRE, 1996) que tornam visíveis os limites da noção hegemônica e consensual pressuposta nos termos de espaço público. A partir de imagens produzidas em performances realizadas em diferentes espaços públicos, apresentamos quatro montagens de imagens de quatro artistas visuais como modo de tramar relações visuais e teóricas que emergem da contestação pública destas ações. As montagens são analisadas à luz dos conceitos de práticas artísticas agonísticas (MOUFFE, 2013), dissenso (RANCIÈRE, 1996) e partilha do sensível (RANCIÈRE, 2009) / This work starts from a reflection about the notion of public space in order to discuss it, at two levels. In a first level, we seek to highlight the gender dimension within the dominant common sense of public space by questioning the historical parameters of constitution of the public-private dichotomy as a technology producing gendered spaces, traditionally divided between public men and private women. The establishment of these separate spheres is approached in the light of feminist history, geography, and theory, as well as recent studies that associate gender theories within the architecture and urbanism fields. In a second level of argumentation, we seek to see how an agonistic model of democracy, advocated by Chantal Mouffe (2013), can be set off from critical artistic practices that evidence the ever dissensual and disputed character of public space. In considering it as a locus of disputes, the critical art (MOUFFE, 2013; RANCIÈRE, 2012) produced in urban spaces by feminist artists emerges as a possibility of dissent production (RANCIÈRE, 1996) that makes visible the limits of the hegemonic and consensual notion assumption in the hegemonic terms of public space. Starting from images produced in artistic performances performed in different public spaces, we present four montages of images of four visual artists as a way of plotting visual and theoretical relations that emerge from the public contestation of these actions. The assemblies are analyzed in the light of the concepts of agonistic artistic practices (MOUFFE, 2013), dissent (RANCIÈRE, 1996) and the distribution of the sensible (RANCIÈRE, 2009)

abstract: ABSTRACT This study examines the ways in which employees experience moral emotions that violate employee treatment and how employees co-construct moral emotions and subsequent expressions of dissent. This qualitative study consisted of 123 full-time employees and utilized open-coding, content analysis, constant comparison analysis, and concept mapping. The analysis revealed that employees expressed dissent laterally as a series of sensemaking processes, such as validation of feelings, moral assessments, and assessing the fear of moral transgressions. Employees also expressed dissent as a series of risk assessments that overlapped with the ways in which employees made sense of the perceived infraction. Employees' lateral dissent expression manifested as a form of social support which occasionally led to co-rumination. Employees expressed dissent upwardly when seeking a desired action or change. Circumvention was utilized as a direct reflection to the type and degree of moral transgression related to the person responsible for the mistreatment. Results indicated that experiencing moral emotions that led to expressing dissent with a designated audience was determined by where employees were situated in the cyclical model of communicating moral emotions and in relation to the co-construction of both the infraction related to employee mistreatment and the experience of moral emotions. Results contribute to the existing body of literature on dissent and emotions. A discussion synthesizing the findings and analysis is presented, in addition to the implications for future research. KEYWORDS: Emotion, Dissent, Moral Emotions, Sensemaking, Risk-Assessment, Social Support, Co-Rumination / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis Communication Studies 2015