This thesis aims to analyze the position and influence of developing countries in the WTO. The key points of analysis are the participation of developing countries throughout the history of the GATT/WTO, an assessment of their activity and participation in the WTO bodies and decision-making process, an examination of their bagaining power, suggesting that the position of developing countries may improve through the formation of coalitions. Through a study and analysis of the current round of trade negotiations and its roadblocks, this paper assesses the current position and influence of developing countries in the WTO with an emphasis on the recurring deadlocks of the round. The main phenomena of the current round are an increase in coalition activity and the emergence of a new group of dominant players, namely India, China and Brazil. Owing to these new trends, developing countries in the WTO have been able to vigorously promote their interests. However, these interests clash with those of the developed world, which results in a stalemate of the negotiations.

<p>The research paper seeks to investigate the possible ways in which African countries can maximise their benefit from the existing special and differential treatment clauses for trade in agriculture, and, then, make recommendations as to what should be the potential bargaining position of African countries with regard to future trade negotiations on agricultural trade.</p>

No description available.

WTO新回合農業談判，在2001年杜哈部長會議舉行的同時正式展開，其中重要的談判結果包括杜哈宣言與七月套案，討論的內容則涵蓋農產品的市場開放議題，特別是關於敏感性產品的處理方式。 敏感性產品，對台灣而言，主要指的就是關稅配額產品，在杜哈回合農業談判之結果下，市場開放勢必會對台灣農業造成衝擊。因此，本研究會從制度面與經濟面著手，觀察新回合農業談判的進行，將會對台灣關稅配額農產品造成哪些影響。 / The Doha Round, whose conclusion includes Doha Ministerial Declarartion and July Package, was initiated at the WTO's fourth ministerial conference in Doha, Qatar, in 2001, and the negotiation has sought to enhance market access for agricultural products, including the treatment of sensitive products. With sensitive products of Taiwan mainly being tariff quota products, the result regarding to market access may cause an impact to its agriculture. Thus, in this work we examine the influence of the Doha Round, from institutional and economic perspectives, to the tariff quota agricultural products of Taiwan.

Tyrimo problema – makroekonominiu požiūriu besivystančių šalių atsilikimas daugelyje sričių. Kaip šias šalis integruoti į pasaulinę prekybos sistemą? Tyrimo objektas – besivystan��ių šalių žemės ūkio ir maisto produktų eksportas ir jo skatinimo politika. Tyrimo tikslas – išanalizuoti Pasaulio Prekybos Organizacijos įtaką besivystančių šalių žemės ūkio produktų ir maisto produktų eksportui. Tyrimo uždaviniai: 1) išnagrinėti žemės ūkio ir maisto produktų eksporto politikos teorinius aspektus, įvertinant klasikines užsienio prekybos formas; 2) apžvelgti Pasaulio prekybos organizacijos funkcijas, principus, struktūrą, raidos ypatumus; 3) įvertinti PPO derybų raundų žemės ūkio politikos klausimais naudą besivystančioms šalims; 4) išnagrinėti ES politikos įtaką Nikaragvos ir Moldovos šalių žemės ūkio ir maisto produktų eksportui; 5) išanalizuoti besivystančių šalių, Nikaragvos ir Moldovos, žemės ūkio ir maisto produktų eksportą. Tyrimų metodika. Tiriant PPO įtaką besivystančių šalių žemės ūkio ir maisto produktų eksportui ir jo skatinimo politikai atskirais metais, prognozuojant šių šalių vystymosi perspektyvas bei formuluojant darbo išvadas buvo remiamasi loginiu, mokslinės literatūros analizės, aprašomuoju, lyginimo, duomenų analizės, istoriniu, laiko eilučių analizės, grafinio duomenų vaizdavimo metodais. / The problem of the analysis – developing countries in terms of macroeconomic indicators are lagging behind many areas. How to integrate them into the world trade system? The object of the analysis - the export of the agricultural and food products of the developing countries The aim of the analysis - WTO's influence on the agricultural and food products of the developing countries The tasks: 1) to analyse theoretical aspects of agricultural and food products policy, evaluating the forms of foreign classical trade; 2) to review WTO's functions, background, structure and key issues of its development; 3) to evaluate the benefits of WTO negotiations on the agricultural policy issues for developing countries; 4) to analyse the influence of the EU on the export of agricultural and food products from Nicaragua and Moldova; 5) to analyse the export of agricultural and food products from developing countries cases of Nicaragua and Moldova. The methods for the analysis. While investigating the influence of WTO to the export of agricultural and food products of developing countries, making assumptions for the future and formulating the outcomes of the work the logical, literature scientific analysis, descriptive, comparative, data analysis, historical, time series analysis and presentation of graphical data methods were used.

La libéralisation des échanges a fait augmenter les richesses, mais en réalité, elles se sont concentrées dans les pays développés. La question de la distribution plus équitable des richesses s'est rapidement posée. Le système GATT/OMC a joué un rôle décisif dans la libéralisation des échanges et dans l'articulation des rapports entre les pays développés et les pays en développement (PED). L'émergence et l'incarnation juridique dans le système GATT/OMC d'un principe de justice distributive passe par l'évolution du traitement spécial et différencié (TSD). Sous le GATT, le TSD s'est d'abord manifesté par l'article XVIII et la Partie IV du GATT de 1947, la Clause d'habilitation et le Système de préférences de 1971. Le TSD ainsi proposé appartenait essentiellement à la sof law et a échoué dans sa tentative d'intégrer les PED au système SCM. Sous l'OMC, le TSD a changé de paradigme et de mandat. Le TSD est passé d'un outil voué à mettre au développement des PED à un mécanisme employé à aider les PED à mettre en œuvre les nouvelles politiques de libéralisation découlant des accords de l'OMC. Les dispositions TSD seront alors dispersées dans l'ensemble des accords de l'OMC, mais sans jamais transcender la forme «soft law» qui les caractérisait sous le GATT. L'échec de la Conférence de Seattle, en 1999, engendrera le «Programme de Doha pour le développement», en 2001. La Déclaration de Doha était alors perçue comme l'incarnation de la transformation de l'OMC en organisation qui se préoccupe désormais de justice distributive. En observant de près le texte de la Déclaration de Doha et en analysant sa valeur juridique, on ne constate pas de progrès significatifs. Encore une fois, les mesures proposées le sont sous forme de déclarations d'intention et de promesses, voire d'engagement à négocier. Actuellement, le Cycle de Doha tarde à aboutir et tout nous porte à croire que l'avènement de l'OMC n'a pas concrétisé la volonté des PED d'une répartition plus équitable des richesses. / Developed Countries are the main beneficiaries of Economic liberalism and reductions of tariffs. The GATT/WTO System played a key role in the global economic growth and in the re1ationship between Deve10ping Countries and Developed Countries. In the GATT/WOT System, the legal translation of Distributive Justice is represented by Special and Differential Treatment (SDT) in favour of Developing Countries. During the GATT (1947-1994), the most important SDT provisions were Article XVIII and Part IV of the 1947 GATT, the Enabling Clause and the Generalized Preferential System of 1971. Notwithstanding the GATT'S efforts, the STD was not efficient enough to he1p the situation of Developing Countries and was mostly considered as Soft Law. Under the WTO, the STD evolved and his mandate was modified. In fact, the STD became a tool to he1p Deve10ping Countries adopted the new WTO obligations, rather than being a tool for deve1opment. It is true that STD Measures during the Uruguay Round were spread through all of the Uruguay Round's Acts, but they never succeeded in coming out of the Soft Law stage. Following the Seattle Conference held in 1999, the WTO Members adopted the Doha Declaration and named the new Round of negotiation the «Doha Deve10pment Round». Initially, the Doha Declaration was perceived as a transformation of the WTO in a Distributive Organization. Rapidly, after studying the Round's Texts, it became obvious that, although the WTO had shown some openness towards Developing Countries' preoccupations and Distributive Justice, the Doha Declaration was in the direct continuity of the GATT. The SDT dispositions at Doha were still part of Soft Law and were mostly undertakings to negotiate in the future. At the present time, the Doha Program for Development is indefinite1y suspended. So far, the Doha Round did not meet the Deve10ping Countries' Expectations.

<p>The research paper seeks to investigate the possible ways in which African countries can maximise their benefit from the existing special and differential treatment clauses for trade in agriculture, and, then, make recommendations as to what should be the potential bargaining position of African countries with regard to future trade negotiations on agricultural trade.</p>

No description available.

This study evaluated the benefits and the problems of implementing the World Trade Organization's decision on the implementation of Paragraph 6 of the Doha Declaration by developing country members.

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Relações Internacionais, 2008. / Submitted by Debora Freitas de Sousa (deborahera@gmail.com) on 2009-07-24T13:42:57Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_Raphael_Coutinho_Cunha.pdf: 1273639 bytes, checksum: 8b733d032d9f663e0ec85423e14b9cec (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Tania Milca Carvalho Malheiros(tania@bce.unb.br) on 2009-07-27T13:30:52Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_Raphael_Coutinho_Cunha.pdf: 1273639 bytes, checksum: 8b733d032d9f663e0ec85423e14b9cec (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2009-07-27T13:30:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_Raphael_Coutinho_Cunha.pdf: 1273639 bytes, checksum: 8b733d032d9f663e0ec85423e14b9cec (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-07-08 / O Brasil tem adotado tradicionalmente postura defensiva em negociações multilaterais sobre o comércio de serviços no âmbito do GATT e da OMC. A literatura acadêmica indica que as preferências de atores domésticos não-governamentais são uma das principais variáveis para se explicar decisões em matéria de política comercial e política externa econômica. O objetivo desta dissertação, portanto, é avaliar em que medida as preferências de atores não-governamentais influenciaram a posição negociadora brasileira nas negociações comerciais multilaterais sobre serviços. Em outras palavras, investiga-se se as preferências não-governamentais constituem variável relevante para explicar as decisões tomadas pela diplomacia brasileira no tema de serviços. Para tanto, a posição negociadora do país nas negociações sobre serviços é estudada em dois momentos distintos: (a) na Rodada Uruguai do GATT; e (b) na Rodada Doha da OMC. Em ambos os casos, dois subsetores de serviços foram enfocados: (i) serviços de engenharia e construção e (ii) serviços financeiros, especialmente bancários. As evidências reunidas incluem documentação primária (correspondência diplomática), entrevistas com atores governamentais e nãogovernamentais e matérias de jornal, além da literatura relevante. A evidência disponível sugere que, em ambos os casos estudados, a posição negociadora brasileira não pode ser explicada por meio das preferências de atores não-governamentais e da atuação de grupos de interesse. Algumas explicações alternativas também são brevemente discutidas: os determinantes institucionais da política externa econômica, como a autonomia burocrática; e as idéias dos tomadores de decisão acerca da relação entre proteção comercial e desenvolvimento econômico. _________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT / Brazil has traditionally adopted a defensive stance on the liberalization of trade in services in multilateral negotiations within GATT and the WTO. The academic literature in the field indicates that societal preferences constitute one of the most relevant variables for explaining trade policy and foreign economic policy decisions. Therefore, this dissertation aims to assess the extent to which societal preferences have influenced Brazil's position in multilateral trade negotiations on services. In other words, I examine whether societal preferences constitute a relevant explanatory variable in accounting for the decisions made by Brazilian diplomacy on the issue of services. To this end, the country's position in negotiations on trade in services is examined at two different moments: (a) the Uruguay Round of GATT; and (b) the Doha Round of the WTO. In both case studies, I focus on two services subsectors: (i) engineering and construction services; and (ii) financial services, especially banking. The evidence analyzed includes archival sources (diplomatic correspondence), interviews with governmental and non-governmental actors, newspaper articles and relevant literature. I find that, in both cases, the negotiating position adopted by the Brazilian government cannot be explained by reference to societal preferences and interest groups politics. Alternative explanations – such as the institutional determinants of foreign economic policy (e.g. state autonomy); and the ideas held by decision makers about the relation between protectionism and economic development – are also briefly discussed.