With the election of President Barack Obama, the United States has seen a steady increase in the number of right-wing militia groups. The Southern Poverty Law Center and the Department of Homeland Security have claimed that the various militia groups are a dangerous domestic terrorism threat. Law enforcement perceptions of the threat that these militia groups pose served as the focus of inquiry in this multiple case study. These perceptions were explored through the theoretical frameworks of groupthink, Credulous Bayesianism, and nudge theory. A purposeful sample of 12 local sheriffs in Texas were interviewed in an attempt to identify common themes regarding their perceptions of militia groups. Two common themes emerged from the interviews, which showed that sheriffs' firsthand knowledge and experience with members of the militia were instrumental in their approach to militias. If sheriffs had direct contact with the militia, then they did not believe that it posed a threat to society. However, if sheriffs did not have firsthand experience with the militia and depended on the media for their opinions, then they followed the narrative that the militia groups are dangerous. This research project showed that sheriffs' direct interaction with the militia can decrease law enforcement's fear of militia groups, allowing sheriffs to detect, investigate, and prosecute any actual threats from militia groups to make their communities safer while protecting the rights of all citizens.

With the increase and popularity of the use of internet, hate speech has reached wider dimensions in societies. This thesis will provide empirical examples to show the relation between speech and actions. This paper will use speech-act theory and social movement theory to portray the relation between hate speech on social media and domestic terrorism inspired by far right extremist. Even though, there has been a lot of work for counter terrorism, domestic terrorism is still overlooked. Empirical sources say that domestic terrorism poses a threat as much as international terrorism. This thesis will bring light over the connections of hate speech and domestic terrorism inspired by far right extremists. It will conclude that there is an evident relation that hate speech on social media is contributing to domestic terrorism actions encouraged by far right extremism.

The purpose of this study is to measure and examine whether terrorism continues to be highly feared and over-predicted, whether exposure to mass or news media influences perceptions of terrorism, whether mass media remains a significant source of information on terrorism related matters and whether people are prepared to act in the event of a terrorist attack. The respondents in this research consisted of a sample of 135 students aged 18 and over, at a participating mid-size university in a southern state, who completed a self-reported online survey on voluntary basis. The findings of the study suggests that the respondents access terrorism related news-media on both weekly and daily basis. Those with frequent access tend to overestimate the likelihood of a domestic terrorist attack and the threat posed by terrorism and tend to show higher levels of fear associated with terrorism. The majority of the respondents indicated average access of news-media of once or twice a week, or no use at all and they tend to not overestimate the likelihood of a terrorist attack, indicate some or no fear in relation to terrorism and tend to have more accurate perception of the current threat posed by terrorism.

Terrorism remains a cardinal threat to national, regional, and international peace and security. It violates the fundamental principles of law, order, human rights and freedom and remains an affront to the Global Charter of the United Nations (UN) and the values and principles enunciated in Africa's Constitutive Act of the African Union (AU). Moreover, it presents a grave and direct threat to the territorial integrity, security and stability of States. In this regard, effective counter terrorism mechanisms and approaches remain fundamental tools in curbing the threats and devastating effects of terrorism. Since the advent of the 'war on terror', issues regarding terrorism and counter-terrorism have become pronounced norms within the international realm. Yet, while an abundance of literature has been focussed and analyzed on counter terrorism approaches within the United States (US), the United Kingdom (UK), Russia and India; little has been documented on effective counter terrorism approaches in South Africa post-2001. Given emerging trends of terrorist camps within the country and the fact that South Africa will be hosting the international event of the 2010 FIFA Soccer World Cup, it is imperative that South Africa improves the overall direction of its counter terrorism strategy. Essentially, this study offers recommendations for the most effective counterterrorism mechanism, which will aid policing in South Africa. History and current events indicate that South African Police Service (SAPS) has the capacity and capability to successfully deal with threats of terrorism. What is lacking is a concrete proactive counter terrorism approach that makes SAPS stand out as the lead department in countering terrorism. Yet, it should be borne in mind that the most important principle of any counter terrorism operational concept is to co-ordinate an operation with an integrated approach. Bearing this in mind, this study includes an assessment of the counterterrorism methodologies of various agencies responsible for counter terrorism within South Africa, with SAPS being the focal point. To establish the most effective counter terrorism strategy applicable to the South African context, this study considers a comparative analysis of counter terrorism strategies adopted within specified developed (Russia, US and UK) and developing countries (India and Algeria) as well as a conceptual analysis of relevant policing mechanisms that are currently considered as appropriate mechanisms to counter terrorism within specified countries. The synopsis of best-case practices of counter terrorism in developed and developing countries as well as the relevant literature on policing mechanism are then synthesized and interrogated into conceptualising an effective policing mechanism to counter terrorism in South Africa. / Criminology / M. Tech. (Policing)

Terrorism remains a cardinal threat to national, regional, and international peace and security. It violates the fundamental principles of law, order, human rights and freedom and remains an affront to the Global Charter of the United Nations (UN) and the values and principles enunciated in Africa's Constitutive Act of the African Union (AU). Moreover, it presents a grave and direct threat to the territorial integrity, security and stability of States. In this regard, effective counter terrorism mechanisms and approaches remain fundamental tools in curbing the threats and devastating effects of terrorism. Since the advent of the 'war on terror', issues regarding terrorism and counter-terrorism have become pronounced norms within the international realm. Yet, while an abundance of literature has been focussed and analyzed on counter terrorism approaches within the United States (US), the United Kingdom (UK), Russia and India; little has been documented on effective counter terrorism approaches in South Africa post-2001. Given emerging trends of terrorist camps within the country and the fact that South Africa will be hosting the international event of the 2010 FIFA Soccer World Cup, it is imperative that South Africa improves the overall direction of its counter terrorism strategy. Essentially, this study offers recommendations for the most effective counterterrorism mechanism, which will aid policing in South Africa. History and current events indicate that South African Police Service (SAPS) has the capacity and capability to successfully deal with threats of terrorism. What is lacking is a concrete proactive counter terrorism approach that makes SAPS stand out as the lead department in countering terrorism. Yet, it should be borne in mind that the most important principle of any counter terrorism operational concept is to co-ordinate an operation with an integrated approach. Bearing this in mind, this study includes an assessment of the counterterrorism methodologies of various agencies responsible for counter terrorism within South Africa, with SAPS being the focal point. To establish the most effective counter terrorism strategy applicable to the South African context, this study considers a comparative analysis of counter terrorism strategies adopted within specified developed (Russia, US and UK) and developing countries (India and Algeria) as well as a conceptual analysis of relevant policing mechanisms that are currently considered as appropriate mechanisms to counter terrorism within specified countries. The synopsis of best-case practices of counter terrorism in developed and developing countries as well as the relevant literature on policing mechanism are then synthesized and interrogated into conceptualising an effective policing mechanism to counter terrorism in South Africa. / Criminology and Security Science / M. Tech. (Policing)

This study examines the debates on nationalism, terrorism and conflict resolution, and intends to identify, on the one hand, the reasons why and the instances in which nationalist discourses usurp the notions of political violence and present it as a legitimate option for opposing a State, and on the other, whether there exist circumstances where conflict resolution techniques and approaches can be useful in isolating terrorist discourses from the nationalist ones, without necessarily criminalising the latter. The study employs a critical and discourse analysis approach to explaining ethno-nationalist and terrorist phenomena, arguing that a contextualisation of the nationalist and terrorist objects of study is necessary in order to comprehensively analyse the relationship between the two, and the instances where the former gives rise to the latter. The purpose of the study is to develop a theoretical framework for the understanding of nationalism and terrorism as interconnected practices, and looks into ways in which conflict resolution can intervene and prevent the infusion of the two. In order to test this framework, the thesis examines the Basque conflict and discusses how the discriminatory practices of the Francoist dictatorship towards the Basques played a catalytic role in their acceptance of violence as a legitimate vehicle of pursuit of the nationalist aim of independence, and how the radicalisation of counter-terrorist practices after the democratic transition further distanced the civil society from both the State and the militant group. The study analyses the role of the Basque civil society, and how it became the primary actor in the transformation of the conflict by rejecting violent practices from both the State and ETA, while at the same time promoting a more civic aspect of the Basque nationalist discourse. This attitude allows the thesis to conclude that, contrary to theories of conflict resolution, the State can combat terrorism most effectively when it allies with civil society in the alteration of perceptions that perpetuate violence, but instead favour a strictly political approach to the pursuit of political objectives, like self-determination.

Extant research on terrorism has predominantly examined conditions associated with transnational terror. Considerably less is known about home-grown or domestic terrorism despite its accounting for much of the non-state violence seen in the international system. While some have examined the relationship between education and political violence, less has been done to investigate qualitatively the relationship between education and domestic terrorism, particularly under the condition of corruption. Comparing the cases of Morocco, Libya, Jordan and Egypt between 1970-2010, I find that increases in education bear little connection with levels of domestic terror. However, empirics suggest that increases in education may play a role in individual abilities to recognise and react against, sometimes violently, perceived state corruption. Findings suggest a need for further disaggregated data on the perpetrators of terrorist violence to better understand the complex relationship between education and domestic terror.

From 1990-2010 ecoterrorist attacks by the Animal Liberation Front (ALF) and Earth Liberation Front (ELF) created an anomaly in the U.S. with millions of dollars in property destruction. Interestingly, in a post 9/11 era, the FBI warns that the number one threat to U.S. national security is not religious terrorism, but rather environmental-group terrorism. When examining this topic further, there is a void in analysis between examining ecoterrorist attacks and U.S. public policy. Is there a statistical significant relationship between terrorist attacks by ALF/ELF and U.S. public policy towards terrorism? Is per capita income an influence on the attacks occurring in specific states? This study seeks to analyze such relationships through an exploratory analysis and case study approach. I conducted a trend analysis on attacks by ELF/ALF from 1990-2010 and the subsequent adoption of U.S. public policy towards terrorism. I analyzed per-capita income by region and its relationships to attacks occurring. I performed chi^2 hypothesis testing in order to determine the statistical significant relationships between ELF/ALF attacks/U.S. public policy and per capita income by State. The findings of this study suggest that the definition of terrorism is ambiguous and can lead to alternative interpretations, which can affect U.S. public policy towards terrorism. Attacks by ALF/ELF are not deterred by U.S. public policy. Also, a majority of attacks by ALF/ELF are most likely to occur in states that rank in the top 20th percentile regarding per capita income and occur mainly on the west coast. The statistical significance of the relationships between ELF/ALF attacks and U.S. public policy demonstrate that these two entities are mutually exclusive. Per capita income levels by states and ELF/ALF attacks are also mutually exclusive. This study creates an improved understanding of what constitutes terrorism and an understanding of the radical elements in the environmental movement and its place in a post 9/11 America. The significance of this study is to provide a model for analysis of terrorist attacks and government responses and provide a framework of inquiry for the fields of terrorism,public policy and conflict studies.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / In this study, rhetorical analysis through the framework of victimage ritual is employed to analyze four Boko Haram messages on You Tube, five e-mail messages sent to journalists from leaders of Boko Haram, and a BlogSpot web page devoted to Boko Haram. The aim of this analysis is to understand the persuasive devices by which Boko Haram leaders create, express, and sustain their jurisprudence on acts of violence. The goal of this study is to understand how leaders of Boko Haram construct and express the group’s values, sway belief, and justify violence. The findings show that Boko Haram desire to redeem non-Muslims from perdition, liberate Muslims from persecution, protect Islam from criticism, and revenge perceived acts of injustices against Muslims. The group has embarked on this aim by allotting blame, vilifying the enemy-Other, pressing for a holy war, encouraging martyrdom, and alluding to an apocalypse. Boko Haram’s audience is made to believe that Allah has assigned Boko Haram the task to liberate and restore an Islamic haven in Nigeria. Therefore, opposition from the Nigerian government or Western forces is constructed as actions of evil, thus killing members of the opposition becomes a celestial and noble cause. This juxtaposition serves to encourage the violent Jihad which leaders of Boko Haram claims Allah assigned them to lead in the first place. As a result of this cyclical communication, media houses, along the Nigerian government, Christians and Western ideals become the symbolic evil, against which Muslims, sympathizers and would-be-recruits must unite. By locking Islam against the Nigerian government, Western ideals and Christianity in a characteristically hostile manner, Boko Haram precludes any real solution other than an orchestrated Jihad-crusade-or-cleanse model in which a possible coexistence of Muslims and the enemy-Other are denied, and the threat posed by the enemy-Other is eliminated through conversion or destruction. As a result, this study proposes that Boko Haram Internet messages Boko Haram’s mission reveals a movement of separatism, conservatism, and fascism. A movement based on the claim that its activism will establish a state in accordance with the dictates of Allah.