Orientador: Paulo Sergio de Vasconcellos / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-06T07:00:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bregalda_MairaMeyer_M.pdf: 809711 bytes, checksum: 8e790f16295e30872911fc1072e4da19 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo: Os conceitos de sapientia e uirtus em Sêneca (4 a.C. ¿ 65 d.C.) permeiam grande parte de sua obra, sendo que, por vezes, encontram-se fortemente ligados: pode-nos parecer difícil pensar em uma pretensa relação de subordinação entre os conceitos de sabedoria e virtude em si mesmos; no entanto, o modo como ambos se conjugam na obra desse autor incita-nos a questionar se a meta final do homem é a virtude através da sabedoria, ou a sabedoria através da virtude. A filosofia estóica é bastante conhecida pelo fato de subjugar a lógica, e mesmo a física, à moral: como o próprio Sêneca apregoa, nada teria valor se não pudesse ser utilizado na vida prática. E, justamente no âmbito dessa, tais categorias são desenvolvidas nos escritos do estóico. Dessa forma, à primeira vista, tende-se a considerar que, para o filósofo, a sabedoria estaria subordinada à virtude. A pesquisa que realizamos dividiu-se em três etapas: a seleção e tradução de epístolas senequianas que expusessem sua concepção daqueles dois conceitos; a elaboração de notas explicativas; um estudo introdutório acerca da relação entre o ser sábio e a virtude, no contexto em que o filósofo se insere / Abstract: The concepts of sapientia and uirtus in Seneca (4 b.C. ¿ 65 a. C.) permeates a great part of his works, seeing that, sometimes, they are strongly linked: it seems to be difficult to think about an assumed relation of subordination between the subjects of wisdom and virtue in themselves; nevertheless, the form both get conjugated in this author¿s works incites us to question if the man¿s final goal is virtue through wisdom or wisdom through virtue. The stoic philosophy is well known by the fact of subjudging the logic and even physics to ethics: as Seneca himself proclaims, it would be useless if it could not be used in daily life. And, precisely on its ambit, these categories are developed on the author¿s writings. Therefore, at first sight, it tends to consider that, for the philosopher, wisdom would be subordinated to virtue. Our research was divided into three steps: selection and translation of Seneca¿s epistles that expose his conceivings about the two concepts; elaboration of explicative notes and an introductory study about the relation between being a wise man and the virtue, in a context where the philosopher inserts himself / Mestrado / Mestre em Linguística

This thesis considers the anonymously published Epistola de terrae motu and the question of its authorship. The authorship of this treatise was attributed to G. J. Rheticus by Reijer Hooykaas in a publication released in 1984; however, that attribution is not decisive. The first chapter introduces De terrae motu and is followed by a second chapter that contains a review of the relevant historiography relating to scholarship on Rheticus. The third chapter presents Rheticus’ biography. The fourth chapter considers the inconclusive reasoning for the attribution of authorship to Rheticus. The fifth and sixth chapters consider the environment of scriptural hermeneutics in the early modern period, both theoretically and with recourse to specific texts, respectively. The seventh chapter concludes this thesis with a synthesis of the arguments herein which ultimately indicate that it is conceivable that Rheticus wrote De terrae motu but an early seventeenth-century Catholic author is more likely.

This dissertation analyses, through a theoretical framework and a critical approach, letters of Cuban writers Gertrudis Gómez de Avellaneda and Juana Borrero. While love letters have captured the interest of some scholars, such as Claudio Guillén, Cintio Vitier and Alexander Roselló Selimov, the conflict that the analysis of non-literary texts poses has prevented further research in this field. Therefore, I propose a systematic method of analysis encompassing but not limited to evaluating letters based on their purpose, intent, interpretation, and temporal and spatial composition; analyzing the perspective and function of epistolary entities, and examining the textual signs that distinguish the epistolary forms from the literary forms. With this analytical tool, I examine a selection of letters of Gómez de Avellaneda and demonstrate that the writer displaces her identify from the autobiographic self to the epistolary self, in order to manipulate the perspective of her addressee. Caught between the Neoclassical way of thinking and the Romantic aesthetics, her assertive discourse, also reflected in her epistolary work, contributed to the incursion of women writers into the social and professional life of the nineteen century. Following the same method of investigation, an analysis of letters written by Borrero proves that, by building a world of delusion, hallucination and fantasy the writer brings to prose what first generation of female modernistas had done in poetry. In both cases, my focus is on the strategies that turn these letters into instruments of power, process that transformed the love-letter paradigm and forever renovated the women epistolary genre. This dissertation further explores the possibility of initiating a cycle in the study of personal letters to uncover a forgotten genre, mission that might build a bridge to embrace the new forms of written communication that scholars have already begun to explore in contemporary literature.

Orientador: Isabella Tardin Cardoso / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-26T09:29:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silveira_FabianaLopesda_M.pdf: 1653353 bytes, checksum: af9e21731548d2e80ab5edeb53ebe1b9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: As Epístolas Morais a Lucílio, ainda que sejam consideradas por muitos estudiosos umas das mais importantes obras de Sêneca, costumam ser criticadas tanto por, alegadamente, se resumirem a um conjunto de exortações de cunho moral (preceitos), sem maior fundamento doutrinário, quanto por, segundo em geral se supõe, não apresentarem sistematicidade. No entanto, um olhar mais atento à carta 94 e à seguinte, a 95, nos permite notar que o próprio Sêneca chega a tematizar a questão do papel dos preceitos, i.e. do valor da parte da filosofia denominada preceptiva (de ordem prática, regida por praecepta), frente à dogmática (parte da filosofia de ordem teórica, regida por decreta). Para tanto, nessas cartas, o filósofo adota uma forma de argumentação consideravelmente organizada, além de fazer uso regular de certas imagens referentes a decreta e praecepta. Levando isso em conta, e tendo estudado tais aspectos na Ep. 95, nossa investigação da Ep. 94 se dedica à hipótese de que o texto do filósofo apresenta certa sistematicidade, ao menos no que tange à sua argumentação sobre os referidos métodos de ensino filosófico. Uma tradução completa e anotada da Ep. 94 acompanha o nosso estudo / Abstract: Though considered one of the most significant of Seneca's works, scholars sometimes critize the Letters to Lucilius as being nothing but a gathering of moral exhortations (precepts) with no considerable doctrinal basis, or for allegedly not presenting any systematics. However, a more careful reading of the Letter 94 (and the one that follows it, the Letter 95), lets us come to notice that Seneca himself approaches the role of precepts in moral development. The importance of that part of philosophy called praeceptiua as opposed to the dogmatic one is the main subject of these epistles. There, the philosopher develops his arguments quite orderly and makes regular use of imagery in order to refer to both decreta and praecepta. Taking that into account, and having studied the Letter 95 before, this investigation of the Letter 94 focuses on the hypothesis that the philosopher presents systematics of some kind, at least when it comes to his arguments about the methods of philosophical teaching just mentioned. The epistle is translated in full and provided with footnotes / Mestrado / Linguistica / Mestra em Linguística

Le 27 mai 1406, le théologien parisien Pierre Plaoul comparaît devant la cour du Parlement de Paris en tant que représentant de l’Université de Paris dans une affaire qui l’oppose à l’Université de Toulouse. Il y prononce un sermon en latin, ce que la cour lui reproche instantanément, lui demandant de parler en français pour la prochaine séance. Le 7 juin, lors de sa deuxième comparution, il parle cette fois en langue vernaculaire et prononce un discours extrêmement différent du premier, autant dans son genre que dans son registre de citations. Les deux discours sont conservés dans le registre X1a4787 des Archives nationales de France. L’édition des discours permet de comprendre le raisonnement derrière leurs différences, mais il permet surtout de constater que le discours français fait état d’une érudition encore plus grande que son homologue latin et que son orateur n’était nullement gêné par l’usage de la langue vernaculaire. Remis dans le contexte historiographique actuel, il en ressort que l’utilisation du français par Plaoul concorde parfaitement avec l’abandon du modèle de rapport diglossique entre latin et français pour la fin du Moyen Âge, lui préférant plutôt un rapport de langues en contacts. Ce postulat est soutenu par les nombreuses occurrences d’universitaires médiévaux démontrant une excellente maîtrise d’un registre savant de la langue vulgaire, des poètes, aux prédicateurs en passant par les practiciens du droit. Un examen plus attentif de l’utilisation de la langue française par les docteurs en théologie du règne de Charles VI vient aussi appuyer l’hypothèse selon laquelle les universitaires du bas Moyen Âge considéraient la langue vernaculaire comme un instrument approprié à la transmission de la culture savante. / On May 27th 1406, the Parisian theologian Pierre Plaoul appeared before the court of the Parliament of Paris as a delegate of the University of Paris. His alma mater was involved against the University of Toulouse in an affair concerning the great schism. Plaoul made a speech in Latin, which the court immediately reproved, intimating him to speak French the next time. He did so on his second appearance on June 7th, but in a speech dramatically different from the first one. The French speech had a different genre and cited different authorities. Both instances are preserved in the X1a4787 register of the Archives nationales de France. The edition of both speeches helps us to understand the motivation behind such dramatic changes in style. But above all, it shows that the French speech was perhaps even more scholarly than the Latin one, and that the orator was not at all hindered by the use of French rather than Latin. Further analysis of the text shows that this instance is totally in line with the actual research’s tendency. Rather than viewing the relation between the vernacular and Latin of the late Middle Ages as being diglossic, current research prefers a dynamic of language contact. This view is supported by the many instances of medieval academics exhibit an excellent mastery of high-level French, be they poets, preachers or practitioners of law. A closer look at the use of the vulgar language by the doctors of theology during the reign of Charles VI also supports the hypothesis according to which late medieval scholars considered French as an apporiate mean of transmission for scholarly culture.