After a two-decade hiatus, the English church courts were revived by an act of Parliament on 27 July 1661, to resume their traditional task of correcting spiritual and moral misdemeanours. Soon thereafter, parishioners across England's dioceses once more faced admonition, fines, excommunication, and even imprisonment if they failed to conform to the laws of the restored Church of England. Whether they were successful or not in maintaining orthodoxy has been the principal question guiding historians interested in these tribunals, and most have concluded that, at least compared to their antebellum predecessors, the restored church courts constituted little more than a paper tiger, whose censures did little to halt the spread of dissent, partial conformity and immoral behaviour. This thesis will, in part, question such conclusions. Its main purpose, however, is to make a methodological intervention in the study of ecclesiastical court records. Rejecting Geoffrey Elton's assertion that these records represent 'the most strikingly repulsive relics of the past', it argues that a closer, more creative study of the bureaucratic processes maintaining the church courts can considerably enhance not only our understanding of these rather enigmatic tribunals but also of the individuals and communities who interacted with them. Studying those in charge of the courts, the first half of this thesis will explore the considerable friction between the Church's ministry and the salaried bureaucrats and lawyers permanently staffing the courts. This, it argues, has important ramifications for our understanding of early modern office-holding, but it also sheds new light on the theological disposition of the Restoration Church. Using the same sources, coupled with substantial consultation of contemporary polemic, letters and diaries, the fourth and fifth chapters will argue that the sanctions of the restored church courts were often far from the 'empty threat' historians have tended to assume. Excommunication in particular could be profoundly distressing even for such radical dissenters as the Quakers, and this should cause us to reconsider how individuals and communities from various hues of the denominational spectrum related to the established Church.

Starting around 1500 a period of state formation changed the European map. The scattered medieval principalities were replaced with more centralised and better organised states with permanent armies. Sweden was quite successful in competing with these states and experienced a period of expansion. The means for warfare were drawn, to a large extent, from the peasantry, which meant that a great number of Swedes were sent to the front line and were never to return. This thesis investigates the dissemination of information, war propaganda and mobilisation in Sweden, 1655–1680. This period is interesting since it includes both offensive wars (under the reign of Karl X Gustav), a period of peace (under the regency) and defensive warfare(under Karl XI). A basic assumption has been that information is an important power resource. In the study both the dissemination and the content of the propaganda are examined. The most important sources have been the minutes and correspondence of the kings, the regency and the council of the realm, along with the sources from the diet and the provincial meetings. In particular, the prayer days and thanksgiving days, in both manuscript and printed sources, have been studied. To investigate the actual dissemination of information, the sources in the regional archives of the counties of Uppsala and Kopparberg and the archives of several episcopates have been examined. There existed developed media for the dissemination of information, namely, “the system of information”. Information was disseminated from the pulpits, at the diet and provincial meetings, by county governors and bailiffs, and by printed texts. In this thesis it is shown that the rulers were anxious to explain and justify the wars to the people and that they deliberately used the dissemination of information as a power tool. To keep the people in a good mood was vital for the war effort. War propaganda was spread both in times of war and peace, and its main messages remained the same during Sweden’s Age of Greatness. The main message of the long-term propaganda was that the wars were a divine punishment: it was because of the sinful people that wars broke out. According to the propaganda, the world was populated with evil enemies that were striving to destroy Sweden. The best protection against the enemies (next to God) was a good regent. It was also stated that, in the event of war, it was the duty of the subjects to contribute. The direct propaganda was conducted in four different phases. The first phase was about explaining the outbreak of war, the second phase was about mobilisation, the third phase was about disseminating information in order to uphold the morals and the fourth and last phase was about explaining the peace. The messages of the long-term propaganda had their equivalents in the direct propaganda. These arguments, however, were not always sufficient. The state representatives also highlighted the great perils threatening the country and used a patriotic rhetoric. The war propaganda depoliticised the wars, and made it possible to mobilise great resources from the population in times of war. The frequently used picture of threatening wars contributed to the legitimacy not only of a permanent army and offensive warfare, but also of the power of the king and the social order at large.

This thesis provides a revisionist account of the relationship between Latin biblical criticism, vernacular religious culture and Reformed doctrines of scriptural authority in the early modern period. It achieves this by studying episodes from the career of the English Hebraist Hugh Broughton (1549-1612). Current orthodoxy holds that Broughton's devotion to the tenets of Reformed scripturalism distinguished him from contemporary biblical humanists, whose more flexible attitudes to the Bible enabled them to produce cutting-edge scholarship. In challenging this consensus, this thesis focusses on three areas. The first is chronology. Recent work has presented chronology as divided between technical, philological practitioners, who drew from astronomy and humanism alike in their efforts to date the past, and scripturalists, who relied on the Bible alone. Using the chronological controversy between Broughton and the Oxonian John Rainolds, this thesis complicates this picture by arguing that both approaches to the discipline were equally derived from humanistic traditions, and that confessional, rather than intellectual or methodological, factors informed the most important decisions chronologers made. The second area is biblical criticism. There is still a broad assumption that Reformed beliefs about scripture were incompatible with the most advanced biblical scholarship. This thesis questions such assumptions by reconstructing Broughton's research into the Hebraic contexts of the New Testament. By demonstrating that it was possible to produce innovative and influential work without challenging and indeed, while endorsing the principles of Reformed scripturalism, this thesis disputes current teleological presumptions about the development of modern, historical biblical criticism. The third is the history of lay reading. Both chronology and biblical criticism have often been viewed as specialised pursuits, studied only by a Latin-reading elite and irrelevant to lay people. For Broughton and his followers, however, biblical scholarship and lay piety were inseparable. The thesis demonstrates this by piecing together Broughton's radical plans for a new English Bible, including his work with John Speed on biblical genealogy, and his revisions of the Geneva New Testament. Using numerous neglected manuscript sources, it gives an account of the sixteenth-century biblical translation that foregrounds the unexpected ways in which groundbreaking neo-Latin, continental biblical scholarship expanded scholars' concepts of what vernacular translation could achieve.

Submitted by José Inácio Neto (neto_jin@hotmail.com) on 2016-10-27T19:02:17Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTACAO_MESTRADO_JOSE_INACIO_NETO_UNESP_FRANCA.pdf: 1343798 bytes, checksum: 7cec06d34f34aec7a4e9aa450e192868 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Juliano Benedito Ferreira (julianoferreira@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-11-03T17:29:39Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 inacioneto_j_me_franca.pdf: 1343798 bytes, checksum: 7cec06d34f34aec7a4e9aa450e192868 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-11-03T17:29:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 inacioneto_j_me_franca.pdf: 1343798 bytes, checksum: 7cec06d34f34aec7a4e9aa450e192868 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-10-26 / Daniel Defoe foi uma figura importante para as transformações literárias que caracterizaram a difusão do romance na Inglaterra setecentista, gênero em formação durante este período. Entre as características de sua obra ficcional, notamos a semelhança com alguns relatos de viagens – como os de Drake, Raleigh, Poyntz, Narborough, Dampier e Rogers – e representações recorrentes do continente americano – territórios nunca visitados pelo autor. Os textos publicados por estes viajantes contêm representações de regiões da América como o Caribe e os litorais ocidentais da América do Sul que, por sua vez, também aparecem como cenários nas obras ficcionais do romancista. Por outro lado, conhecido pelo engajamento político e pela participação nas discussões sobre os rumos da expansão do Império Britânico, o autor também lança mão desta literatura em seus ensaios para sustentar seus argumentos sobre as possibilidades de avanço imperial no Novo Mundo. Partindo de reflexões teóricas importantes para a História Cultural, sobretudo aquelas ligadas às noções de representação e apropriação debatidas por Roger Chartier, a presente pesquisa intenta estabelecer relações entre as obras de ficção de Defoe e os relatos de viagem lidos por ele. Neste sentido, a análise se orientará por alguns questionamentos centrais: como e por que estas representações de domínios coloniais de outros Impérios aparecem na ficção de Defoe? De que maneira estas representações se relacionam com os relatos de viagem que são mencionados pelo autor em suas obras não ficcionais? Em que medida as obras ficcionais do autor apresentam questões pertinentes à expansão do Império Britânico no início do século XVIII? Nosso objetivo principal, portanto, é tentar sustentar a hipótese de que os romances de Defoe contêm representações do Novo Mundo que, em certa medida, foram construídas por meio de apropriações dos relatos de viagem por ele lidos. Ademais, tentaremos perceber de que forma tais representações inserem suas obras de ficção nas discussões sobre as possibilidades de expansão do comércio e da colonização no continente americano. / Daniel Defoe was an important writer for the literary transformations that marked the spread of the novel in eighteenth-century England, genre that was in making during the period. Among the features of his fictional work, we note the similarity with some travel accounts – like those of Drake, Raleigh, Poyntz, Narborough, Dampier and Rogers – and recurring representations of the American continent – territories never visited by the author. The texts published by these travelers contain representations of regions of America as the Caribbean and the western coasts of South America, which, in turn, also appear as scenarios in the fictional works of the novelist. On the other hand, known for political engagement and participation in discussions on the directions of expansion of the British Empire, the author also makes use of this literature in his essays to support his arguments about the possibilities of imperial advance in the New World. Starting from important theoretical reflections for Cultural History, especially those related to the notions of representation and appropriation discussed by Roger Chartier, this research attempts to establish relations between the works of Defoe’s fiction and travel reports read by him. In this sense, the analysis is guided by some central questions: how and why these representations of colonial domains of other empires appear in fiction of Defoe? How these representations are related to the travel accounts that are mentioned by the author in his non-fiction works? To what extent the fictional author’s works have issues related to the expansion of the British Empire in the early eighteenth-century? Our main objective, therefore, is to try to support the hypothesis that Defoe’s novels contain representations of the New World, to some extent, that were built by appropriation of elements found in travel accounts read by him. Furthermore, we will try to understand how such representations insert their works of fiction in discussions about trade expansion possibilities and colonization in the Americas.

To the present-day reader texts are widely available. However, to the early modern reader this access was limited. While book ownership increased in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, it was not universal – even libraries were both limited in their collections and exclusive to the communities they served. Libraries were to be found all over Early Modern England, from city libraries to town subscription libraries. One could gain access to books but these collections were often rather limited in the variety and number of books they offered. Undoubtedly many libraries purchased books for their collections, but frequently books were also given to them by benefactors. One fine example of a community library which reflects its readers and members is the library of St Peter’s Cathedral, York Minster. York Minister library owes its existence to traceable benefactors and donations. One could study the collection to give an insight into reading practices and interests of the Early Modern Period. But in doing so we fall foul of becoming static and failing to develop the historiography of Book History. Instead, we can re-evaluate this collection by drawing from the old focus of genres but shifting this focus and approach the collection from a different path: a material path. These books resonate value. Not solely due to their genres and subject matter, but their value is also generated in how the books became accessible, through generosity and donation. As donations from benefactors these books should not be considered solely as works of literature, but as gifts from one agent to another. Gifts given with both intention and purpose.

The Spanish colonisation of the Philippines in 1565 opened up trade between China, Latin America and Europe via the Pacific crossing, changing the history of global trade forever. The traditional understanding of the early colonial period in the Philippines suggests that colonial control spread rapidly and peacefully across the islands, ushering in dramatic changes to the social, political and economic environment of the archipelago. This dissertation argues by contrast that the extent of Spanish control has been overstated - partially as a by-product of an over-reliance on religious and secular chronicles that sought to magnify the role and interests of the colonial state. Through extensive archival work examining different sites of colonial authority and power, I demonstrate that Philippine communities contested and limited the nature of colonisation in their archipelago. In making this argument, I challenge prevalent assumptions of indigenous passivity in the face of imperial expansion. By demonstrating the agency of Southeast Asians, particular actors come to the fore in each of the chapters: Chinese labourers, indigenous elites, fugitives and apostates, unpacified mountain communities, native priestesses and Moro slave raiders. The culture and social organisation of these Southeast Asian communities impacted on the nature of Spanish imperialism and the capacity for the Spanish to retain and extend their control. Throughout the seventeenth century, the Spanish presence within the archipelago was always tenuous. A number of communities remained outside of Spanish control for the duration of the century, while still others oscillated between integration and rebellion, by turns participating in and resisting the consolidation of empire. These communities continued to maintain their local and regional economies and customs. Thus, by the end of the seventeenth century, imperial control remained fragmented, partial and incomplete. The dissertation contributes not only to the historiography of the Philippines - which remains under-explored - but also to the historiographies of Colonial Latin America, Southeast Asia and early modern empires. Conceptualising the Philippines as a frontier space helps to overturn the foundations of the myth of a completed conquest. This dissertation thus raises questions about the inevitability of empire by arguing that indigenous communities were active respondents to Spanish colonisation attempts and that indigenous traditions and culture in this region were both resilient and enduring in the face of colonial oppression.

This thesis aims to make a significant contribution to our understanding of the history of biblical criticism in the seventeenth century. Its central objective is to put forward a new interpretation of the work of the Oratorian scholar Richard Simon. It does so by placing Simon's work, above all his Histoire critique du Vieux Testament (1678), in the context of the great increase in critical study of the text of the Bible that occurred after 1620. The problems and questions that confronted European scholars at this time were profound, as new manuscript discoveries combined with existing learned and polemical debates in such a way that scholars were forced reconsider their opinions on the history and text of the Old Testament. Rather than study these works solely in the discrete tradition of the history of scholarship, however, this thesis shows why they have to be considered in the context of the print culture that made their production possible, the confessional divisions that shaped and deepened the significance of their philological arguments, and the intellectual cooperation, exchange, and disagreement that determined how contemporaries understood them. The results of this research contribute to existing scholarship in several significant ways, of which four stand out for special emphasis. First, through extensive archival research it markedly revises our current understanding of the work of Jean Morin, Louis Cappel, Johannes Buxtorf II, and Richard Simon. Second, it shows that the history of biblical criticism must consider the work of Catholic scholars in the same level of detail as Protestant scholars. Third, it breaks the link between innovative philological and historical work and radical theological or political thought. Fourth, it calls into doubt the current consensus that seventeenth-century scholarly life is best understood through the concept of the international and inter-confessional 'Republic of Letters'.

This dissertation explores humanism, the rediscovery of the culture of ancient Greece and Rome, in late fifteenth- and early sixteenth-century England. It does so with reference to texts, institutional settings, and networks both within and beyond England, and examines the activities of several seemingly minor figures who have been absent from recent scholarship on the topic: John Holt, William Lily, Richard Croke, Leonard Cox, and Thomas Lupset. These figures made distinctive and original contributions to the genres in which they operated, whether the grammatical manual, educational treatise, dialogue, or philosophical meditation. They are also noteworthy for their considerable influence, whether in England or further abroad. With regard to Croke and Cox, the integration of previously unknown sources from France and Germany and overlooked ones from eastern Europe reveals that England could be an exporter and not merely an importer of humanism. Taken together, these individuals demonstrate that English humanism was more sophisticated and complex than its frequent characterisation as 'Erasmian' would suggest. In addition, this dissertation analyses the influence of humanism on two school foundations: St Paul's School and Ipswich College. It re-evaluates the portrayal of John Colet as an anti-intellectual, and understands St Paul's as a deeply personal endeavour, reflecting his desire to do better for the next generation. It establishes the depth and significance of humanism in Cardinal Wolsey's foundation of Ipswich College, hitherto accorded less importance by historians than his Oxford college. The examination of the little-known materials he published on the eve of his fall in 1529, together with reports from staff on its progress, show that he regarded it as central to his ambitious vision for England and to the creation of his own reputation as a civic humanist. This research therefore revises our understanding of a neglected period, and engages with the vexed questions at the heart of the study of humanism: how contemporaries dealt with the tension between their faith and their enthusiasm for pagan culture, and regarded the rival attractions of scholarly leisure and active public service.

Uno de los principales objetivos de este trabajo de investigación ha sido profundizar en la comprensión del funcionamiento y articulación de la sociedad castellana moderna desde el factor familiar. Para ello, el extenso corregimiento de Chinchilla, Villena y las nueve villas a lo largo del siglo XVII se tomó como laboratorio de pruebas, esencialmente por dos razones: por un lado el contexto espacial era muy representativo, pues la mayor parte de la Castilla Moderna estaba constituida por pequeñas agrociudades como las que formaban dicha unidad jurisdiccional. Y por otro, el corte cronológico elegido demostraba ser una etapa clave en la evolución y conformación interna de los grupos dominantes castellanos, sobre todo los que actuaban en el ámbito local, pues es en este siglo cuando culmina el proceso de oligarquización del municipio castellano, con todo lo que ello supone a nivel social. Al ser nuestra meta conocer la organización social castellana, optamos por centrar nuestra investigación en un segmento social concreto: las familias de poder, es decir, aquellas que componian el grupo social más destacado y preeminente en cada una de las poblaciones estudiadas. / One of the main objectives of this work of investigation has been to deepen in the understanding of the operation and joint of the modern Castilian society from the familiar factor. For it, the extensive group of judges of Chinchilla, Villena and the nine villas throughout century XVII was taken like research laboratory, essentially for two reasons: by a side the space context very representative era, then most of Modern Castile was constituted by small cities and villages which they formed this jurisdictional unit. And on the other hand, the chosen chronological cut demonstrated to be a key stage in the evolution and to internal conformation of the Castilian dominant groups, mainly those that acted in the local scope, then it is in this century when the process of oligarquización of the Castilian municipality culminates, yet what it supposes at social level. To the being our goal to know social the organization Castilian, we chose to center our investigation in a concrete social segment: the families of being able, that is to say, those that composed the social group more preeminent outstanding and in each one of the studied populations.

This study examines the role of the Austin Friars in pre-Reformation English society, as distinct both from the Austin Friars of Europe and from other English mendicant orders. By examining how the Austins formulated their origins story in a distinctly English context, this thesis argues that the hagiographical writings of the Austin Friars regarding Augustine of Hippo, whom they claimed as their putative founder, had profound consequences for their religious platform. As their definition of Augustine's religious life was less restrictive than that of the European Austin Friars and did not look to a recent, charismatic leader, such as Dominic or Francis, the English Austin Friars developed a religious adaptability visible in their pastoral, theological, and secular activity. This flexibility contributed to their durability by allowing them to adapt to religious needs as they arose rather than being constrained to what had been validated by their heritage. The behaviour of these friars can be characterised foremost by their ceaseless advancement of the interests of their own order through their creation of a network of influence and the manoeuvring of their confrères into socially and economically expedient positions. Given the propensity of the Austin Friars towards reform, this study seeks to understand its place within and interaction with English society, both religious and secular, in an effort to reconstruct the religious culture of this order. It therefore investigates their interaction with the laity and patronage, with heresy and reform, and with secular powers. It emphasises, above all, the distinctiveness of the English Austin Friars both from other mendicant orders and from the European Austin Friars, whose rigid interpretations of the religious example of Augustine led them to a strict demarcation of the Augustinian life as eremitical in nature and to hostile relations with the Augustinian Canons. Ultimately, this thesis interrogates the significance of being an Austin Friar in fifteenth- or sixteenth-century England and their role in the religious landscape, exploring the exceptional variability to their behaviour and their ability to take on accepted forms of behaviour.