This work is aimed to determine whether the Czech Republic is ready to enter to the third stage of European economic and monetary union which is associated with the adoption of the euro, and that regarding the fulfillment of the formal entry criteria and also in terms of alignment of the Czech economy with the rest of the eurozone. On that basis evaluate whether it is advantageous for the country to adopt the euro. The first part introduces the different stages of regional integration, as well as the theory of optimum currency areas and economic governance in the European Union. The second chapter is devoted to evaluate the readiness of the Czech Republic to join the euro zone from three perspectives. First, fulfillment of nominal convergence criteria is evaluated. Real convergence and macroeconomic imbalances within the euro area are assessed using cluster analysis. The second approach is to analyze whether EMU constitute an optimal currency area. At the end the experience, of three countries of the eastern enlargement, with changeover to a common currency are presented.

The aim of this thesis is to assess the real position of the European Union in the global economy and to evaluate its ability to present common interests, priorities and objectives of the Member States and achieve its acceptance on the international scene. The thesis is divided into three chapters. The first one deals with global and economic governance and G20, a forum for international cooperation in the field of economic and financial problems. The second chapter is focused on the European Union, one of the twenty members of G20, and macroeconomic position of the EU in G20. There are also mentiond economic, fiscal and trade policy of the European Union. The last part is devoted to the Union's negotiating power within the G20. Negotiating power is evaluated on the basis of EU's common position on the G20 agenda compared with the G20 summit declarations. In conclusion of this thesis is evaluated the strength and position of the Union within the framework of the G20.

The thesis aims to address criticisms of cosmopolitanism that characterise it as an elite discourse, by exploring the role that it might play in Third World resistance movements. In doing so, it complicates the landscape of international normative theory, which has traditionally been mapped as a debate between cosmopolitanism and communitarianism. Part I of the thesis argues that cosmopolitanism and communitarianism can function as languages in which First and Third World states respectively justify exercises of power that impede the self-determination of Third World societies. These discourses of power frame the condition of postcoloniality, which might be understood – borrowing the terminology of International Society theorists – as an entrapment of Third World societies between 'coercive solidarism' and 'authoritarian pluralism'. A normative worldview committed to enhancing the scope for self-determination of such societies must be critical of the production of both external and internal environments that are hostile to the enjoyment of self-determination by Third World peoples. Part II of the thesis explores the political challenges of sustaining such a critique by studying four theorists of resistance who perceive themselves as manoeuvring between hostile external and internal environments. It analyses the political thought of Rabindranath Tagore and Edward Said, who were both leading figures of anti-colonial nationalist movements but also fierce critics of nationalism. It also studies the activism of two leaders in the field of 'anti-globalisation' protest – Subcomandante Marcos of the Zapatistas in Mexico and Professor Nanjundaswamy of the Karnataka State Farmers' Association in India – who struggle against both national elites and global capital. Part II concludes that if resistance in the condition of postcoloniality must grapple simultaneously with both a hostile 'outside' and 'inside', it must speak in mixed registers of universalism and particularity. Cumulatively, the thesis demonstrates that the language of common humanity operates in ways that are both oppressive and emancipatory, just as the language of community is a source of both repression and refuge. Normative theory that does not seek to hold both in tension fails the needs of our non-ideal world.

This thesis aims to provide a framework for analyzing the moral responsibilities of global agents in what I call the Global Health Crisis (GHC), with special attention devoted to the moral responsibilities of pharmaceutical companies. The main contribution of this thesis is to provide a general account of the moral responsibilities of different global players, mapping the different kinds of duties they have, their content and force, and their relation to the responsibilities of other relevant actors in the GHC. I also apply this account to current debates surrounding the need for reforms to the international legal rules addressing the GHC, notably the TRIPs regime. In doing so, this thesis will discuss the allocation of responsibilities for the GHC among different global players, such as state and non-state actors, the latter including pharmaceutical companies. In order to investigate the allocation of duties, I will first analyze the object of such allocation which constitutes the object of the current GHC (Part A); then the agents responsible for addressing this crisis (Part B); and finally, existing institutional alternatives to reform the international legal rules addressing the GHC, such as the TRIPs regime (Part C).

L’Union européenne est associée à l’activité de toutes les institutions qui encadrent l’économie internationale, qu’il s’agisse d’organisations internationales ou d’autres organismes multilatéraux. L’inclusion de l’Union dans ces communautés juridiques présente des avantages mutuels. L’Union, désireuse d’émerger comme acteur sur la scène internationale, peut promouvoir ses valeurs et ses intérêts. En même temps, intégrée aux espaces normatifs des institutions économiques internationales, elle contribue à la mise en œuvre de l’activité de celles-ci. Toutefois, cette intégration soulève aussi des difficultés. L’Union est soucieuse de préserver la maîtrise de sa propre organisation et une marge d’appréciation dans la régulation des phénomènes économiques. Les institutions économiques internationales, quant à elles, sont a priori peu habituées au fonctionnement de l’Union, notamment en ce qui concerne l’articulation de ses compétences avec celles de ses Etats membres. La participation de l’Union européenne aux institutions économiques internationales est un processus d’interaction institutionnelle permanente qui vise le dépassement de ces difficultés et l’adaptation réciproque. Projetant vers l’extérieur ses politiques publiques, qui constituent à leur tour la mise en œuvre de politiques des institutions économiques internationales, l’Union favorise la continuité des niveaux de la gouvernance économique mondiale. Ainsi, l’Union influence et est influencée par la libéralisation et la régulation multilatérales de tous les phénomènes économiques internationaux : le commerce, l’investissement, la finance et la coopération au développement. / The European Union is involved in the activity of all institutions that shape and supervise the world economy, be they international organizations or other multilateral fora. The Union’s inclusion in these legal communities is mutually beneficial. On the one hand, the Union is eager to assert itself as an actor on the international scene and can promote its values and interests. On the other hand, the Union helps to implement norms produced by host institutions and to achieve their goals, as it is integrated in their legal order or network. However, this integration also gives rise to some problems. The Union tries to protect its own organization and margin of appreciation in regulating economic phenomena. Moreover, in principle host institutions are not accustomed to its functioning, especially as far as relations with member states are concerned. The European Union’s participation in international economic institutions is a process of continuous institutional interaction which aims at overcoming these problems through reciprocal adaptation. As the Union promotes its public policies within international economic institutions, which shape in turn the Union’s policies, this process boosts the coherence between levels of economic governance. Thus, the Union influences and is influenced by multilateral liberalization and regulation of all economic phenomena: trade, investment, finance, and development cooperation.

O estudo se propõe a investigar as particularidades e especificidades dos mecanismos de governança global dos influxos investimentos diretos externos (IDE). Se, por um lado, não existe atualmente (à exemplo do comércio internacional) uma grande organização multilateral que garanta a governança dos influxos na relação entre os países (e, especialmente, entre entes estatais e particulares); por outro, prevalece a bilateralidade como esfera máxima da supranacionalidade para a regulação dos IDEs. Como especificidade dos IDEs, é característica a instalação do capital produtivo estrangeiro em um território nacional e a consequente sujeição à soberania de um ente estatal. Assim, configura-se, então, um modelo de governança sui generis em que coexistem uma governança com governo (no plano nacional) e uma governança sem governo (no plano supranacional). A principal hipótese de pesquisa é que as instituições nacionais e instituições supranacionais conjugam-se em uma relação de complementariedade e interação para configurar a estrutura da governança global dos influxos de IDEs. Para os testes empíricos, são estimados modelos interativos através de métodos econométricos longitudinais. Ao fim, conclui-se, com base em evidências robustas, que esse parece ser o mecanismo que configura essa peculiar forma de governança. / This research aims to investigate particularities and specificities of the global governance of foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows. If, on the one hand, a large multilateral organization, does not currently exist for FDIs (such as the existence of the WTO for international trade); on the other hand, bilateralism prevails as the ultimate sphere of supranationality for the regulation of FDIs in the international arena. As a particularity of FDIs, foreign productive capital typically crosses over into a national territory and thus foreign investors must undergo the sovereign power of such state entity and abide by its decisions. Therefore, a sui generis model of global governance emerges in which there coexists a governance with government (at the national level) and a governance without government (at the supranational level). The main research hypothesis is that national and supranational institutions conjugate themselves in an intricate relationship of complementarity and interaction in order to configure such global governance structure of FDI inflows. For the empirical tests, interactive models are estimated through longitudinal econometric methods. Finally, based upon robust evidence, it is concluded that this seems to be the mechanism that engenders this peculiar form of governance.

The need to improve the economic governance of the EU occurred during the financial crisis when many member states experienced recession. The fact that each member state was influenced differently shows us the two main weaknesses of the EMU: economic heterogeneity of the member states and deep public debt. Existing fiscal rules were proved to be ineffective and unenforceable. The topic of this master thesis is the analysis of the impact of the economic governance reform on the position of the European Commission. The thesis deals only with one aspect of the reform- the budgetary surveillance framework. The thesis explains that this reform was necessary for improving of the EMU and it deals with the impact of this reform on the position of the European Commission. The analysis is based on the comparison of legal acts concerning the budgetary surveillance framework before and after the reform.

O estudo se propõe a investigar as particularidades e especificidades dos mecanismos de governança global dos influxos investimentos diretos externos (IDE). Se, por um lado, não existe atualmente (à exemplo do comércio internacional) uma grande organização multilateral que garanta a governança dos influxos na relação entre os países (e, especialmente, entre entes estatais e particulares); por outro, prevalece a bilateralidade como esfera máxima da supranacionalidade para a regulação dos IDEs. Como especificidade dos IDEs, é característica a instalação do capital produtivo estrangeiro em um território nacional e a consequente sujeição à soberania de um ente estatal. Assim, configura-se, então, um modelo de governança sui generis em que coexistem uma governança com governo (no plano nacional) e uma governança sem governo (no plano supranacional). A principal hipótese de pesquisa é que as instituições nacionais e instituições supranacionais conjugam-se em uma relação de complementariedade e interação para configurar a estrutura da governança global dos influxos de IDEs. Para os testes empíricos, são estimados modelos interativos através de métodos econométricos longitudinais. Ao fim, conclui-se, com base em evidências robustas, que esse parece ser o mecanismo que configura essa peculiar forma de governança. / This research aims to investigate particularities and specificities of the global governance of foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows. If, on the one hand, a large multilateral organization, does not currently exist for FDIs (such as the existence of the WTO for international trade); on the other hand, bilateralism prevails as the ultimate sphere of supranationality for the regulation of FDIs in the international arena. As a particularity of FDIs, foreign productive capital typically crosses over into a national territory and thus foreign investors must undergo the sovereign power of such state entity and abide by its decisions. Therefore, a sui generis model of global governance emerges in which there coexists a governance with government (at the national level) and a governance without government (at the supranational level). The main research hypothesis is that national and supranational institutions conjugate themselves in an intricate relationship of complementarity and interaction in order to configure such global governance structure of FDI inflows. For the empirical tests, interactive models are estimated through longitudinal econometric methods. Finally, based upon robust evidence, it is concluded that this seems to be the mechanism that engenders this peculiar form of governance.

Bibliografický záznam VLACH, Michael. Evropské ekonomické vládnutí - možnost nebo nutnost? Praha, 2011. 95 s. Diplomová práce (Mgr.) Univerzita Karlova, Fakulta sociálních věd, Institut mezinárodních studií. Katedra západoevropských studií. Vedoucí diplomové práce Prof. Ing. Luděk Urban, CSC., Jean Monnet Professor Abstract Diploma Thesis "European Economic Governance - an option or the necessity?" deals with the current debate on the reform of European economic governance (EEG). It focuses on the genesis of the pre-crisis European economic governance, primarily on the Economic and Monetary Union, and on the performance of the EMU and the features of EEG before and during the crisis. It investigates the issues and challenges that arisen largely from the aftermath of the crisis such as imbalances on the Internal Market due to serious competitiveness issues between the Member States, lack of crisis management, financial supervision etc. The common cause of these problems, the insufficient economic governance is identified having source largely in the original design of EMU which was adopted largely for economic reasons but contemporary political limits restrained the Economic union and macroeconomic coordination provisions thus enabling the current situation. In the final part the proposed and implemented...

This thesis develops a theory of international social closure to examine (i) the politics of membership in status groups – or, clubs – in international society and (ii) the persistence of clubs in international society. This thesis offers new concepts to improve the English School’s understanding of international society, its expansion, and its reproduction. In so doing it also addresses limitations and gaps in the IR status literature and the global governance and diplomacy literatures concerned with clubs and networks. This thesis analyses strategies of exclusion, entry, and incorporation used by actors to deny, attempt, or grant inclusion into clubs as well as the institutional contexts underpinning those clubs. Specifically, this research undertakes a study of instances of exclusion, entry, and incorporation in the context of three clubs: the Family of Civilised Nations, the Great Powers club, and G-summitry. In the first two cases, this research relies primarily on secondary sources while in the case of G-summitry it presents original empirical research gathered through archival research, interviews, and ethnographic participant observation. This thesis presents four main conclusions about the operation of closure: (i) the logics of different closure games are defined by overarching normative institutions of international society; (ii) despite a collectivist closure rule, closure in international society is predominantly individualistic; (iii) actors seeking entry tend to employ deferential entry strategies that reproduce a stratified status quo order; and (iv) incorporation promotes stratification along both functional and cultural lines. This thesis also draws three specific conclusions that run counter to much current scholarship: (i) contemporary international society is neither more open nor less hierarchical than nineteenth century international society; (ii) hierarchy is reproduced to a large degree by entry and incorporation strategies rather than exclusion strategies; and (iii) closure does not run along a ‘west versus the rest’ fault line.