Diss. KTH : Univ., 2008.

The subject of this thesis is the politics of economic restructuring, euphemistically termed 'reform' in the Pacific. Although structural adjustment policies are essentially neoliberal economic policies, the project of global economic restructuring, and its supposed end, a global regime of free trade, is a political one in several respects. It involves the wielding of economic power over developing countries by powerful multilateral institutions, developed countries and private corporate entities to such a degree that it is considered by some to represent the disciplining/subjugating and dis-empowering of developing states. It is supported by a successfully propagated ideology that combines economic growth theories (held to be infallible), 'good governance' rhetoric (with which no-one can reasonably disagree), and new notions of equality and 'non-discrimination' - the 'level playing field' and 'national treatment, in WTO parlance (which have been enshrined in enforceable global trade rules). It entails redefining the role of the state, transferring public ownership of assets to private hands, and removing subsidies that protect domestic industries and jobs, all of which are strongly contested. Successfully implementing 'reform' is widely acknowledged to require not only 'reform champions' but also 'ownership', and thus broad acceptance and legitimacy, yet commitments to restructuring are often made by government ministers without reference at all to national parliaments. National economic summits are used to rubber stamp or legitimate policies in a fait accompli. The thesis begins by situating the global regime of structural adjustment within the political context of North-South relations in the 1970s, the debt crisis of the early 1980s, and the collapse of socialist regimes and consequent discrediting of the socialist economic model and other variants of state-led development. It shows the key role of the World Bank in advocating the neoliberal model and setting the development aid agenda, and its abdication of this lead role after 1995 in favour of the World Trade Organisation and its agenda of global trade liberalisation. The thesis then examines the origins, agents and interests behind structural reform in the island states of the Pacific before focusing on how a regional approach to achieving regional wide economic restructuring and trade liberalisation is being taken, using a regional political organisation of Pacific Island states (The Pacific Islands Forum), and regional free trade agreements. It then illustrates the path of economic restructuring embarked on by Fiji following the 1987 coups, examines the implementation of 'economic reform' concurrently with policies to advance the interests of indigenous Fijians, and discusses some of the less acknowledged dimensions of reform.

This thesis is concerned with the impact of neo-liberal reforms, initiated in response to the exigencies of a new technologically-driven global economy, on a conservative interventionist state. It is a sociological work, which encompasses history, politics, economics, organisations, social action and societal change. Between 1984 and 1990, the Fourth Labour Government embarked upon the reform of the structure and operation of the New Zealand economy. That reform ranks amongst the most radical and far-reaching in twentieth century New Zealand. Not only were the scope and magnitude of the changes significant but they were also implemented with a rapidity that took most of the country by surprise. Consequently, New Zealanders were exposed to a new and flexible economy, where market forces provided a major contrast with the ideals of equity and consensus that had shaped social conditions since the 1950s. This new environment had significant implications for the career expectations and working environment of many people, and for the delivery and content of public services. This thesis adds to the existing body of knowledge on the New Zealand reforms by capturing and investigating the perspectives of key actors who were involved, in a number of ways, with the transformation of the economy. It explores the theoretical and empirical basis of the reform programme, the restructuring process, the nature and scale of an intense commercialisation strategy, the attitudes of a new generation of workers and the reactions of New Zealanders when their ontological security came under threat. Key aspects of the reforms are framed and analysed through the transformation of the New Zealand Post Office from an icon of the interventionist state, a major employer and key service provider - to a commercial enterprise which sought to be a competitive, flexible, profit-driven organisation typical of the new economy. The experiences of politicians and senior managers who were responsible for this transformation through to individuals who depended on the organisation for services and jobs, are represented in the thesis as indicative of the actions and responses of New Zealanders, generally, regarding much broader social and organisational changes brought about by the reforms.

Orientador: Carlos Alonso Barbosa de Oliveira / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-16T17:34:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Leao_RodrigoPimentelFerreira_M.pdf: 3089069 bytes, checksum: 221f88bb82a8415411aa2d701f9238cd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: A China emergiu nas últimas três décadas como uma grande potência econômica mundial, desde o lançamento do programa de reformas "Quatro Modernizações" em 1978. Todavia, essa ascensão chinesa não esteve relacionada somente às transformações impulsionadas por este programa de reformas, mas também às modificações do cenário internacional, bem como a uma construção histórica, social, política e econômica muito particular. Assim, a execução cada reforma instituída pelo governo chinês foi levada a cabo a partir da análise dessas dimensões do seu processo de formação e desenvolvimento. O governo procurou observar as mudanças conjunturais e estruturais tanto da economia nacional, como internacional para levar a frente seu processo de modernização e abertura controlado pelo Estado a fim de garantir a estabilidade social e política. Em função disso, esse processo permitiu à China ingressar num padrão de acumulação tipicamente capitalista, cujas mudanças permitiram ao país superar o isolamento internacional e dirimir a pobreza da sua população, mas sem romper com seu sistema político e alterar radicalmente sua estrutura social. Portanto, as reformas, em função da forte regulação e participação do Estado, significaram progresso e desenvolvimento para toda a sociedade e a economia chinesa / Abstract: China has emerged in the last three decades as the world¿s economic superpower since it has initiated the reform program "Four Modernizations" in 1978. However, the Chinese ascent has not only been related to the changes caused by this program, but also to the transformations occurred in the international scenario, as well as to a historical social construction, and a very peculiar economical policy. Hence, the goals and characteristics of each reform shaped by the Chinese government were linked to all these issues, in order to take advantage of the opportunities offered by the international economy and to not harm the Chinese social, political and economical stability. Intending to correspond to its historical and structural characteristics, the commencement of the "Four Modernizations" brought China into a process of capitalaccumulation, whose changes allowed the country to overcome the international isolation and to diminish the poverty of its population. Therefore, the reforms, due to the intense regulation and participation of the State, resulted in progress and development to all the Chinese society and economy / Mestrado / Economia Social e do Trabalho / Mestre em Desenvolvimento Econômico

The diploma thesis deals with the crisis of the welfare state, which is causing problems in the public finance and deteriorating economic situation in many countries. Compares two groups of similar economic level OECD countries which spend the highest and the lowest social expenditure in percentage of GDP. Observes differences in their economic and demographic situation. The thesis also deals with the causes of the crisis and provides an example of successful economic reform, which significantly reduced growth of the welfare state and started a very successful economic period. The results of the analysis and the example of the reform provide some proposals for the welfare state cisis solution throught liberal way.

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本論文旨在研究一八九0年代至二十世紀初，俄國國內的財經與農業之改革。本文之財經改革研究是以十九世紀末期俄國著名的改革家謝爾蓋‧尤里耶維奇．維特(Sergei Yul'evich Witte, 1849-1915)為中心，而農業改革之研究主要是以彼得．阿爾卡吉耶維奇．史托里賓(Petr Arkad'evich Stolypin, 1862-1911)為中心。 長期統治俄國三百餘年的羅曼諾夫王朝，於一九一七年的革命爆發之後走入了歷史。羅曼諾夫王朝之所以被推翻，原因之一是人民不滿於沙皇政府的保守專制與腐敗無能。而維特的財經改革與史托里賓的農業改革，關係著俄國當時的社會脈動，尤其在人民對沙皇不滿情緒逐日高漲的時期，兩人的改革攸關人民對沙皇的支持與否。而且，兩人改革的時問與俄國沙皇政權結束的時間，有著密切的前後關聯性，因此兩人的改革對帝俄末期發展至關重要。 本論文主要探討的中心問題為:是否維特的財經改革與史托里賓的農業改革成功，革命就不會發生?俄國在二十世紀初羅曼諾夫王朝結束之前，不到二十年的時間襄，就發生了兩次革命：一九○五年革命和一九一七年二月革命。這兩次革命都有工人與農民參與，他們對政府都有強烈的不滿。表示他們長期受到了壓迫，政府雖有進行改革卻未能消弭他們的積怨。因此，俄國政府所實施的與工人與農民有密切關係的財經農業改革，在帝俄末期仍無法滿足人民的需求。若人民的需求得以獲得滿足，革命可能就不會發生。 本論文將分五章來探討。第一章為緒論，說明研究目的與研究動機、文獻回顧、研究途徑與研究方法、研究架構。第二章為時代背景，將維特與史托里賓改革時的國內環境與國際環境作一粗略簡介。本章分為二節：分別為俄國國內環境與國際環境之簡述：第三章為維特經改之研究。本章共分為三節：分別為維特生平之簡介、維特實施財經改革之內容以及評價。第四章為史托里賓農改之研究。本章共分為三節:分別為史托里賓生平之簡介、史托里賓實施農業改革之內容以及評價。第五章為結論，總結本論文經研究後所得之結果。 / This thesis is to discuss the economic reform and agrarian reform in Imperial Russia from the 1890s to the beginning of the twentieth century. In the thesis I research the economic reform which was implemented by Sergei Yul'evich Witte (1849-1915) who was famous as a Russian reformer in the end of nineteenth century, and the agrarian reform which was implemented by Petr Arkad'evich Stolypin (1862-1911). Romanov Dynasty which had reigned Imperial Russia for more than three hundred years was collapsed after the Revolution of 1917. The one of the reasons why Romanov Dynasty was collapsed was people's dissatisfaction with Russian government's autocracy, conservatism, corruption and incapability. Witte's economic reform and Stolypin's agrarian reform had influences on the social tendency in Imperial Russia at that time. Especially when people had more and more dissatisfaction with Tsar, Witte's economic reform and Stolypin's agrarian reform related with the degree of people's support to Tsar. Furthermore, the time ofWitte's economic reform and Stolypin's agrarian reform was close to the time of Tsar regime's termination. Therefore, their reforms played vital roles in the development of the last phase of Imperial Russia. The discussion centered on the most important question： if Witte's economic reform and Stolypin's agrarian reform had been successful, the February Revolution of 1917 did not happened to the nation. Before the end of Romanov Dynasty, not till twenty years, there were two revolutions - the Revolution of 1905 and the February Revolution of 1917. Workers and peasants took part in the two revolutions because they had strong dissatisfaction with the government. It represented that they had been oppressed by the government for the long time. Although the government implemented the reforms,the government could not decline their accumulated rancor. Thus, their reforms which connected with workers and peasants still could not meet people'demands. If the government had been able to meet people' demands, the February Revolution of 1917 did not happened to the nation. This thesis will be discussed in five chapters. Chapter I is introduction: it will explain the purpose, motivation, method, documents and framework of this thesis. Chapter 2 contains background. It briefly introduces the domestic situations and the international conditions when Witte and Stolypin reformed. In the Chapter 3, I research Witte's economic reform. There are three sections in this chapter - the synopsis of Witte's life, the contains of Witte's reform and criticism. In the Chapter 4, I research Stolypin's agrarian reform. There are three sections in this chapter - the synopsis of Stolypin's life, the contains of Stolypin's reform and criticism. Chapter 5: conclusion.

This thesis examines China's state-owned enterprise reform and financial reform in the last two decades. I characterize the progress of China's state-owned enterprises reform in two areas: privatization of small SOEs and mass layoffs. I argue that privatization rests on the political economy of China. I also discuss the evolution of the financial system and come up with some strategies of financial liberalization in China. Result from this study suggests that if the necessary reforms of the financial sector and state enterprises are effectively carried out, inevitably this will lead to a significantly slower rate of growth for a period of time. However, these reforms will provide the basis for a period of sustained growth in the long run.

How has the Indian state changed with economic liberalization? While many scholars have explored the altered party politics and class basis of the liberalization-era state, few have studied its transforming internal organizational forms and functioning. This thesis aims to provide an empirically grounded answer to this question. To do this it uses the lens of electricity: the sector lies at the heart of contemporary capital accumulation, state power, and distributive politics, and has witnessed almost a quarter-century of institutional reforms since 1991. In the sector, new or reworked organizational forms—such as imported regulatory agencies, corporatized state-owned enterprises, and public-private partnerships—have been grafted onto the older statist system in a process of institutional layering. Favouring state-business collaboration and prioritizing rapid economic growth, this mode of state operation is distinct both from a liberal, market-oriented state and from India’s older state-led mode. It combines state intervention and selective adoption of parts of the Washington Consensus template to produce a reinvented mode of power governance that I term state capitalism 2.0. India’s new state-market hybrid is not a functional alternative to the older models, however. The layered process through which it has emerged means that it is distinctively dysfunctional. Organizations have emerged in an ad hoc fashion, each shaped and reshaped by multiple collective interests, while existing organizations are rarely destroyed. The resulting layered amalgam institutionalizes contradictory state strategies, co-optation by competing interest groups, and a dualistic system of services and subsidies. Consequently the sector’s performance remains poor. As a result, developments in the Indian power sector suggest that the state's 'pro-business' transition has been painful and incomplete. At least in this sector, the Indian state remains simultaneously more indispensable, more ambivalently pro-business, and more chaotic than much theory might suggest.

J'ai déjà fini le plan de mémoire, et commencé le écriture de mémoire. Je vais envoyer les parties écrits à mon directeur chaque mois. Je pense à finir les parties: Resume, Introduction, Literature: October 2017 Deuxième partie : Octobre 2017 Troisième partie: Novembre 2017 Quatrième partie: Decembre 2017 Cinquième partie: Janvier 2018 Corriger: Fevier 2018 / I have already finished the plan of thesis, and started writing.My project is as below: Summary, Introduction, Literature review: October 2017 Second part : October 2017 Third part: November 2017 Forth part: December 2017 Fifth part: January 2018 Correction and revise: February 2018