The White Revolution was a set of six reform measures put to the Iranian people via referendum on 6 Bahman 1341 (26 January 1963), based on a plan for social justice linked with economic development, encased in the concept of a bloodless revolution from the top. This did not happen unexpectedly; it was the culmination of events spanning several years, which accelerated during the John F. Kennedy Presidency. Various plans and reforms paved the way for the White Revolution and certain events as well as political and economic developments encouraged reform. There were similarities between plans and some reforms influenced others, or were shaped to suit different agendas. All played a part in instigating the White Revolution. This included Prime Minister ʻAlī Amīnī’s 15-point plan, the Shah’s Royal Farmān, the Third Development Plan, and the six-points of the White Revolution itself. The question this thesis seeks to answer is to what extent the Kennedy administration was responsible for instigating the White Revolution by influencing the various steps that paved the way for the 6 Bahman referendum?The United States had at its disposal various means by which it might apply pressure and influence development. This included, economic aid, military assistance, numerous advisers, agencies on the ground, plus support for the Shah and other Iranians. Given the Kennedy administration’s association with modernisation and development, the existing historiography has portrayed this period in US-Iranian relations as one of increased pressure on the Shah to reform with the White Revolution being the result of such pressure. This thesis makes an original contribution to knowledge by challenging this portrayal by providing the first detailed, analysis of the period 1961-63, utilising a vast array of newly released documents. This is not the first study to conclude agency on the part of Iran for the White Revolution, but is the first to do so though a detailed, balanced approach, which doesn’t ignore the significance of the US-Iranian relationship. Thus, this thesis is at the forefront of revisionist accounts of US-Iranian relations during the Cold War critiquing the portrayal of the Shah and others as mere tools of the US and reaching the conclusion that contrary to widely held beliefs it was Iranians rather than Americans who instigated the White Revolution by initiating and directing reform.

The present thesis „Entrepreneurial project for grant from EU funds“ deals in the first part with the theoretical survey of EU funds as well as with their allocation and use in the Czech republic and how this fits in with the goal of helping weaker countries to develop. The second analytical part gives a description of the business plan and especially feasibility of project. I write up a study of feasibility in order to show the practicability of the complete plan. At the conclusion how is a short appreciation and formulation of goals for future process of realization.

This dissertation - The Yugoslavian model of Socialism as possible inspiration for economic reforms of the sixties in the German Democratic Republic, Czechoslovakia and Hungary - deals with the topic of creating certain modifications and specific features of the economic systems within the Eastern Bloc. The so called Yugoslavian experiment, which had developed in the Balcan state from the times of the Soviet-Yugoslavian rift of the late forties of last century, was, in fact, considered to be the only alternative to the predominant, directively centralized Soviet model for several years. It was in the sixties when many Eastern Bloc states, which practically hitherto copied the Soviet economic model, attempted to implement economic reforms which would assisst in eliminating disadvantages of the current economic system, and thus to stabilize and streamline the economic development. It is quite natural that for searching new possibilities and incentives, the Yugoslavian self-governing model represented one of potential inspiring ways how to reform the often nonfunctional economic systems. The main purpose of the dissertation is to show how the planners of economic reforms in the German Democratic Republic, Czechoslovakia and Hungary recfleted the Yugoslavian model tested in practice, and to which...

This work discusses the change in Indian position in international relations during the Cold War. It is a qualitative case study, which is also dedicated to finding influences that caused the change in the Indian position. Work includes the following sections. The first part describes the theory of international relations relevant to the study of the Indian position within the great power relations. Next part analyzes India's economic development and historical development of India's foreign policy and relations with the most important global actors. The final chapter is a study of global governance institutions and policies of BRICS and its position to the institutions of global governance.

Die Dissertation versucht herauszufinden, ob Ungleichheiten im reformierten China aus dem vergangenen staatssozialistischen System heraus reproduziert werden und wie in diesem Falle diese Reproduktion von Ungleichheit funktioniert. Die soziokulturelle Perspektive erlaubt eine Interpretation von Ungleichheit als ungleiche Verteilung symbolischen Kapitals, was konkret heißt, dass die strukturelle Ursache für Ungleichheit in der symbolischen Vermittlung menschlichen Handelns liegt. Die symbolische Vermittlung über den Habitus wurde von Pierre Bourdieu systematisch untersucht, um die Funktionsweise der Reproduktion von Ungleichheiten zu erklären. Als Ausdruck der Logik menschlichen Handelns, welches durch Wissen und Erfahrung in einer symbolischen Welt entsteht, organisiert der Habitus das menschliche Handeln, um die Bedingungen seines Entstehens zu reproduzieren. Im Falle Chinas seit Beginn der Reformpolitik sind Hierarchien des staatssozialistischen Systems in Form von post-transformativen symbolischen Ungleichheiten erhalten geblieben. Diese Strukturen werden in der Dissertation als eine sozialistische Soziokultur definiert, die menschliches Handeln im veränderten Umfeld des Marktes vermittelt. Die sozialistische hierarchische Ordnung differenziert chinesische Bürger entlang der Trennlinien sozialistischen symbolischen Kapitals. Die Ergebnisse der multiple correspondence analysis zeigen, dass sowohl im Kontext des urbanen als auch des ländlichen Chinas die Beständigkeit des staatssozialistischen hierarchischen Systems eine wichtige Rolle für die heutige soziale Struktur spielt. Auf den Ergebnissen der quantitativen Forschung, die menschliches Handeln wird in der meritokratischen Gesellschaft durch sozialistische hierarchische Vermächtnisse symbolisch ausgehandelt. Gleichzeitig funktioniert die Persistenz des Habitus des staatssozialistischen hierarchischen Systems als unsichtbarer Mechanismus der Reproduktion von Ungleichheiten im China der Reformpolitik. / This study specifically aims to explore whether or not inequality in today's China is reproduced from the historical state-socialist class system and, if so, how the reproduction of inequality happens. The sociocultural perspective allows for the interpretation of inequality as an unequal distribution of symbolic capital, which reveals that the symbolic mediation of human practice is the structural root of inequality. This symbolically mediated practice is called habitus, which has been systematically developed by Pierre Bourdieu and utilized to explain how the reproduction of inequality happens. As the embodied logic of human practice that is acquired from knowledge and experience within a symbolic world, habitus organizes human practice to seek out and reproduce the conditions from which the habitus has developed. With regard to the case of China in this dissertation, some state-socialist hierarchical arrangements are maintained in the form of symbolic inequalities under reform, and are defined together as a socialist socioculture that is hypothesized to mediate human practice in a market environment. These socialist hierarchical arrangements distinguish Chinese citizens along the lines of socialist symbolic capital. Empirically, the results of multiple correspondence analysis demonstrate that in both rural and urban China, the persistence of the state-socialist hierarchical system plays an important role in informing the social structure, even with the rise of emerging classes. Following the findings from the quantitative research, it was found that human practice in a meritocratic society is symbolically mediated by the socialist hierarchical legacies. Meanwhile, the maintenance of habitus acquired from the state-socialist hierarchical system is an invisible mechanism for reproducing inequality under reform.

中國大陸自1978年改革開放後，經濟成長驚人，但是這個成長是伴隨著城鄉之間的差距與地區之間的差距。地區間絕對差距與相對差距都在逐年擴大，以1999年的資料，上海與貴州人均GDP相差16倍，絕對差距為一萬元人民幣。對於區域間發展差異的問題，有些學者從自然環境差異等天賦條件因素解釋；另有一派學者則以依賴理論說明市場自然運作的結果；亦有專家以過去計畫經濟時期的歷史發展來說明國家能力，尤其是財政能力，是消弭差異的主要關鍵；也有人以政府的傾斜政策，將資源導向被傾斜的一方流動，致使東西差異形成。本論文認為經濟事物應回歸經濟的角度來探討，再結合制度（正式與非正式）選擇對於經濟層面的干擾因素，來尋求各地區經濟發展差異的解答。在理論上，以新經濟成長理論為基礎，認為除了生產要素的增加外，資源配置是否有效率亦是經濟成長的重要關鍵，而制度決定資源配置的效率，因此，東西部的制度落差是造成東西部經濟成長差異的源頭。這樣的制度落差可以分為兩個面向來探討：第一是經濟領域上政府的退出；第二是社會關係、法律制度、中介組織等相關配套措施的建立。要使得地區發展能夠得到平衡，管制的解除以及新制度的建立是主要的關鍵，尤其是不合理戶口制度造成勞動市場的不健全以及各地方和全國法律的完善程度。本論文整合時間（1978年到1999年）和橫斷面（28個省市區）的統計數據，使用迴歸分析說明制度變數與經濟成長之間的關係。 / Since the reform in 1978, China has experienced an astonishing economic growth. However, the disparity between the coastal and inner provinces is increasing. According to the 1999 statistics, the GDP in Shanghai is sixteen times of GDP in Guizhou. More and more scholarship focuses on the uneven development in China. The reasons of regional disparity in China have focused on the geography, the operation of market, the weakening of the central government's power, or the preferential policies received by the coastal provinces. These can't fully explain China's disparity. I argue that the real reasons for China's disparity lying in the " institutions" (formal and informal) in China. Based on regression analysis of data from 1978 to 1999, my thesis intends to explain the dynamic between institutions and economic growth.

This doctoral thesis addresses in a sequence of five essays the question how fiscal policy and economic output are interrelated in emerging Europe and how this relationship is shaped by the respective politico-economic environment and the individual-level support for economic reforms. Following main findings can be highlighted: (1) Countries in Central, Eastern and Southeastern Europe (CESEE) respond to a fiscal expansion in the euro area with fiscal easing at home, while the GDP response is mixed across countries.(2)Automatic fiscal stabilizers are comparatively small and discretionary fiscal policy has been largely pro-cyclical in CESEE. (3) The public spending and revenue structure is more "growth-friendly" in CESEEthan in the EU-15. (4) In transition economies with more democratic institutions and a better quality of governance, individuals with high market-relevant skills show a significantly larger support of the privatization status quo than individuals with low market skills. (5) The society in Russia - triggered by a lack of social capital - chooses to demand more state regulationand tolerate corruption to reduce negative externalities imposed by private business.(author's abstract)

中國共產黨建政8年後，就宣布完成全行業社會主義改造（1949-1956），實現了公有制與計畫經濟體制，取消了中國既有的混合經濟體制與私有財產制度。然而，自70年代末期開始，一連串試圖搞活經濟的措施開啟了中國經濟制度變化的序幕，30年來，中國已經由公有制計畫經濟體制，轉變到今日混合所有制市場經濟形態。 那些力量驅動了這場變化？那些變數與其交互作用影響，變化了經濟改革的方向？通過經濟制度變化的過程，那些成果帶來經濟制度走上不歸路的效用呢？這是筆者試圖解釋的課題。 事實上，中國經濟制度的變化，是一連串政權行動者「始料未及」的變化的結果，這場制度變遷─中國由公有制計畫經濟體制重新回到混合所有制市場經濟體制，一開始並未有指引變革行動的藍圖，變革的方向亦是在變化的過程上才漸次浮現的，它受到制度的限制，也受到偶發事件的影響，當然也就不意味是整體領導層的共識結果，它是在特定歷史結構與制度交錯相互影響下的產物。換句話說，是歷史（時間序列上的事件與變化）、制度與行動者組構了這場變遷。同時，這也是一場動態的變遷過程，變遷的路徑有來自制度遺產的影響，它也存在著路徑依賴的現象。 不過，路徑因行動者與制度安排的激勵而強化，從而實現變遷，但也在行動者基於觀念（意識形態）或利益下予以限制，從而轉折到不同的方向上。筆者認為，在中國獨特的政經體制下，路徑自我強化的現象不是內部自我激勵造成的結果，而是來自外部的因素；在路徑依賴的背後，制度結構與行動者的作用具有不容忽視的影響。 筆者認為，改變中國經濟制度最重要的取徑，就是「雙軌制」。「雙軌制」是一項行動者非意圖的創造，它始自陳雲倡議「摸著石頭過河」，獲得鄧小平的贊同，從而形成「試點」模式，並作為該模式的指導原則。 此外，觀念的引進與衝突是這場變化過程的重要部份，像是在推動「經濟特區試點政策過程中尤為明顯；當政權領導人受外部引入的觀念的影響，產生經濟特區政策，而領導人內部也因觀念的分歧，形成足以阻滯特區試點政策的衝突；他們之間的衝突（正統派vs改革派）貫穿整個變遷過程，這也正好說明了觀念因素在中國改變經濟制度過程上的重要影響。 / 8 years after the establishment of the People’s Republic of China, the Chinese Communist Party claimed that socialist reform has been successfully conducted. Public ownership and planned economy replaced mixed economy as well as private ownership. In the end of 1970s, however, a series of economic reform challenged public ownership with planned economy, which leads China enter into a mixed ownership economy. This thesis attempts to sort out the forces and consequences that drive economic reform. Through the transition of economic system, which leads China’s economy into a no return road. In fact, economic reform in China is an unexpected result by political regulators. Originally, it did not have a blueprint to lead the way. The direction from public ownership to mixed economy emerged throughout the reform, which is not a common consensus from the political leaders. Instead, it is dominated by history, political system as well as regulator in a dynamic way. This path dependency with institutional heritage character is the spot light of economic reform. The author claims the importance and direction of this reform is dominated by external factor. The most importance factor that change China’s economic is the launch of dual system. This system, with the slogan of “crossing the river by groping the stones along the way,” is proposed by CHEN Yun and approved by Deng Xiao-Ping. The introduction of concept is an important factor through the reform, which can be seemed from the process during the promotion of Special Economic Zones SEZs. When political regulators received outer concept and launched SEZs, internal diversity emerged that blocking the reform. Conflicts between orthodoxy and reformist can be seemed throughout reform period, influencing the forces and consequences of China’s economic system.