As Africa's largest economy and its most populous country, over a decade of rapid economic growth in Nigeria contributed to the 'Africa Rising' narrative. However, like many African commodity exporters, this economic growth, billions of dollars in oil earnings and electoral democracy have not translated into a diversified and industrial economy. This study examines why the Nigerian economy remains so dependent on oil and is non-industrial, which I argue are economic and development outcomes of specific policy choices constrained by Nigeria's institutional configuration or the political settlement. In this endeavour, my central preoccupation is with the political processes of decision making which at any point in time favour one policy choice over the other in resource-rich and plural societies such as Nigeria, and the economic and development outcomes of these policy choices. I employ the political settlements analytical framework to unveil these political processes and the conditions they create in which certain policies are preferred over others. This entails an examination of the causal relationship within the three variables of 'constraints', 'policies' and 'economic and development outcomes'. I argue that understanding Nigeria's challenges of economic diversification requires an examination of its political settlement to identify horizontal (elite competition), vertical (societal agitations for resource redistribution) and external (oil shocks) constraints on a ruling coalition, and the specific economic policy responses each constraint generates. Essentially, my research explains how policy makers are constrained to pursue certain courses of action over others, and the outcomes of these policies on economic growth and the structural transformation of production, exports and government revenue. In the Nigerian context, the study also examines how sub-national and regional differentiation in the distribution of growth in states like Lagos and Kano affect future political processes and their policy outcomes. The thesis draws from multiple data sources, including economic data, semi-structured interviews with various stakeholders, documentary sources, and participant and non-participant observation.

The objective of this thesis is to find out what factors have been the main sources of economic growth in China in 2003 and 2010. It also aims to find out whether the Solow model can be used to explain growth in China, if factors of growth are the same in rich and poor regions, whether the factors are the same in 2003 and 2010 and if the results are in line with previous research. The theoretical framework is the Solow model. Empirical tests are performed using econometrics, and therefore this thesis has a quantitative approach. Factors used are growth in GDP per capita which is tested against investments, household savings, the level of GDP per capita, population growth, healthcare and education. The results show that the Solow model can explain economic growth in China. Investments, the level of GDP per capita and population growth are the factors most significant to growth. In poor regions, both investments and population growth are more significant than in rich regions, whereas healthcare is more significant in rich regions. Investments and population growth also have a smaller impact in 2010 than 2003. Healthcare is more significant in 2010 and than 2003, and education is only significant in 2010. Previous research shows a wide range of results, and the results of investments and population growth are consistent with those.

Economic reform completely dominated the later half of the nineteenth century. Cooperation proved the more dominant of alternatives. This study examines the significance the English working class perceived in their own Rochdale cooperation. The American labor press reveals the philosophy by which Americans adapted the English idea peculiar to their own cultural traditions. The Sovereigns of Industry are most representative of genuine cooperative practices in labor. The Texas Cooperative Association represents the largest agricultural cooperative undertaking. Both organizations have been examined primarily through their own records. The class fidelity among English workers and the need for class survival necessitated successful cooperation. The American worker, free of permanent caste, experienced no such solidarity and instead opted for individual advancement and upward social mobility.

The main focus of this thesis are the economic-theoretical concepts, which in varying degrees contributed to the creation of an official government program of economic reforms in the sixties of the 20th century in Czechoslovakia. The work will mainly analyze the causes of success Šikova reform movement among economists and the Czechoslovak Communist Party leadership. The first part of the study will address the reorientation of foreign trade and economy of Czechoslovakia to the Soviet Union and its satellite countries, as well as the importance of CSR for the functioning of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance in the fifties. Briefly mentioned is the first attempt at economic reform led by Kurt Rozsypal issues and other proposals for changes in central planning. The crucial part of this work will be devoted to the theoretical designs and directions, which created the preconditions for the implementation of specific economic reforms in the sixties. The treatment of the topic study should answer the questions: What were the other economic programs and their leaders? These protagonists could significantly affect the program or not?

No description available.

Two recent developments dominate the political economy of Sub Saharan Africa -- the adoption of economic structural adjustment reforms and the emergence of pressures for the democratization of the political process. Economic reform measures have spawned civil society, made up of anti-authoritarian, anti-statist, non-governmental organizations, that demand political liberalization. This study is an attempt to analyze, theoretically and quantitatively, the unanticipated association between these developments. Democratic institutions inherited by Sub Saharan Africa at independence were subverted either through military coups or by the abuse and misuse of the institutions by an inordinately ambitious political elite. Thus, about a decade into independence more than three quarters of the sub continent virtually came under authoritarian rule. Contemporaneously there was a decline in the economies of these countries, forcing them to borrow from international financial institutions, in order to offset their balance of payment difficulties. By the mid-1980s most of Sub Saharan Africa had also instituted structural adjustment programs. Using a pooled cross-sectional time series model of analysis, data gathered from Sub Saharan African countries are analysed to test the explanatory power of the three extant contending theories of development: classical, dependency, and neoliberal. Then, most importantly, the analysis examines the relationship between structural adjustment, the development of civil society, and democratization. Overall, the results indicate that the institutional structures generated by, and the political millieu created by structural adjustment are conducive for the evolution of civil society and for its activities for democracy. This political opportunity, however, is also found to be dependent on the level of restructuring involved. The more the political system is restructured, the more the freedom of political participation by civil society, and the higher the level of democratization. The study found a very weak relationship between structural adjustment and economic growth, thereby calling into question many current economic policies. It further demonstrated that no one single theory had the advantages over others in explaining the dynamics of both political and economic development in Sub Saharan Africa and, by extension, in other developing countries.

本文試圖對於北韓在後冷戰時期進行看似複雜與矛盾的內外政策進行分析，並整理出其規律性並予以模型化。而本文發現北韓應付生存危機首重外交與經濟政策，其規律性展現於：當外部危機出現惡化時，北韓外交政策會傾向使用邊緣策略；但外部危機出現好轉的時，北韓外交政策則會傾向使用妥協策略。另外，北韓經濟政策也出現一定的規律性，但其策略的採用必須同時考量到經濟與政治因素。而北韓經濟策略的規律性表現於：當經濟危機出現好轉時，但當局有政治考量的情況下，經濟策略將傾向使用計劃經濟搭配爭取經援，且對經濟改革進行限縮的情形；但經濟危機出現惡化時，當局的政治考量出現(或必須)退位，此時經濟策略將傾向於使用計劃經濟搭配爭取經援，並且進行經濟改革，或放鬆對經改的限縮。而本文依照上述所觀察出北韓外交與經濟策略的規律性，建立出分析模型，並以此預測出北韓未來可能採行的策略。 關鍵詞：北韓、外部危機、經濟危機、邊緣策略、妥協策略、計劃經濟、爭取經 援、經濟改革、受限縮的經改 / This paper tries to analyze and modelize the policies of the DPRK which look like complicated and paradoxical. It explores the DPRK puts emphasis on the foreign and economic policies to deal with he risks of her survival, and her policies or strategies can be formulated into a pattern. The pattern of her foreign strtegies shows that the authorities tend to engage in the brinkmanship after the economic risk getting worse, and they also tend to conduct the compromise after the economic risk getting better. Futhermore, the economic policies of the DPRK also shows the pattern. However, the political and economic factors should be considerated in the pattern. It shows that the authorities tend to engage in the package strategies including planned economy, aid-seeking and reform with restriction when the economic risk gets better and political concern exists. On the other hand, they tend to conduct the package strategies including planned economy, aid-seeking and reform without restriction when the economic risk coming worse and political concern diminishes. According to the pattern of foreign and economic strategies, it can be constructed the model and predicts the responses of strategies by the DPRK. Keywords: North Korea (Democratic Republic of Korea, DPRK); external risk; economic risk; brinkmanship; compromise; planned economy; aid-seeking strategy; economic reform; economic reform without restriction

本論文主要在探討俄羅斯聯邦於一九九一年至一九九七年間，所推行的各項經濟改革政策及其經濟實況。本論文嘗試著以政治經濟學的角度來剖析俄羅斯經濟改革與政治發展間的互動，以宏觀的手法探討俄羅斯經濟改革政策，並分析影響俄羅斯經濟日後發展的因素，從而預測俄羅斯日後政治經濟發展的趨向。 本論文共分為伍章: 第壹章為緒論，敘述本論文之研究動機、研究途徑、研究架構、研究範圍與研究限制：第貳章探討俄羅斯經濟改革的背景與特徵。本章主要先論述蘇聯傳統社會主義計劃經濟的形成以及其特徵，並依時間順序介紹蘇聯時期歷次的社會主義經濟改革的大要。先了解整個社會主義計劃經濟的特徵與弊端，然後再探討俄羅斯經濟改革的背景與必要性，以及俄羅斯經濟改革的特徵；第參章剖析俄羅斯經濟改革的主要內容，首先探討俄羅斯經濟改革理論的演進，描述俄羅斯經濟改革策略由蓋逢時期的激進、快速的「休克療法」演變成契爾諾米爾丁時期的緩進、折衷的經濟改革策略的演變過程。然後詳細地論述俄羅斯經濟體制各領域的改革內容，包括：所有制變革、價格自由化、金融體制改革、社會保護制度改革、財稅體制改革、貿易體制改革、住屋制度變革、以及農業與上地私有化方面的改革措施，木章最後再論述契爾諾米爾丁於一九九六年底所提出修正的經濟改革措施，以瞭解今後俄羅斯經濟改革的方向；第肆章論述俄羅斯經濟改革實行結果與影響，提出其經濟改革之結果與影響、以及在俄羅斯經濟改革過程中不斷出現的兩難困境，與俄羅斯日後推行市場經濟的阻力；第伍章為本論文之結論，本章主要是論述俄羅斯經濟改革的前景，並在此章節中提出筆者個人的研究發現與建議未來俄羅斯經濟改革的改善途徑。 在研究過程中筆者發現，俄羅斯的經濟改革往往與俄羅斯政治的權力鬥爭相互影響。經濟改革並非是單純的經濟改革，往往是政治因素左右了俄羅斯的經濟政策走向；而政治勢力的消長，亦因為經濟表現的優劣而隨之消長。尚有相當多的因素影響到俄羅斯的總體經濟表現，諸如：社會治安因素、外援、通貨膨脹等等。因此，政治的考量打亂了經濟改革的原有計劃除此之外．加上上述各方面的影響之下，俄羅斯的經濟成長根本無法如預期般地好轉，即使時至今日也難以紓緩。 / The main role of this thesis is the Economic Reform of Russian Federation, from 1991 to 1997. This thesis applies the Kremlin politics approach and the historical approach to analyze the Russian economic reform program, and discusses the impact of domestic and international political factors on reform from a political economy perspective. There are five chapters in this thesis. Chapter One is introduction ,which include the problems, purpose, scope and the approaches of this thesis. Chapter Two is the motives of Russia economic reform. Chapter Three is the contents of Russia economic reform from 1991 to 1997.Chapter Four is the results and impacts of Russia economic reform. Chapter Five is conclusion of this thesis. After discuss this thesis, the author find that reform has resulted in a large slide in living standards, a big jump in inflation, and critical deviation in the distribution of the wealth between rich and poor. The basic reason is that the Russian government has not been able to take positive control of economic activity, as the process of privatization and the redistribution of national wealth has created mistakes. National enterprises have fallen under the hands of bureaucratic and managerial apparatus from the beginning of the privatization. Economic reform has also involved some problems, including a huge debts, capital outflow, increasing crime, growing unemployment, and heavy export dependence on raw materials and energy. Although the policy of economic reform has been revised several times, it still has not deviated from its basic design. Official economic developmental strategy thus seems to have a gap with the factual situation, with the role of the government not yet strengthened. In the next ten years, it will therefore be difficult for the Russian economy to quickly develop, though it possesses tremendous potential and resources. After reviewing the political and economic developments of Russia from 1991 to 1997, it is determined that political factors and President Yeltsin himself are the major culprit that forestalled the realization of reform goals.ln short, political considerations disrupted the original reform plan. As a result, Russia from 1991 to 1997suffered from galloping prices and declining production that have not significantly abated to this date.

Si les travaux sur l’organisation territoriale et les découpages régionaux sont nombreux au Maroc, les études sur la mesure du degré des disparités socio-spatiales et les processus en cause dans la formation de ces disparités sont plus rares. Cette thèse serait une contribution à ces deux problématiques. Elle procède d’une part de la volonté d’expliciter et de mesurer la contribution des facteurs spatiaux et a-spatiaux à la dynamique des disparités inter-régionales au Maroc, et d’autre part, de tester l’hypothèse de convergence et de développement régional dans les régions périphériques. En tant que pays en développement, le Maroc connaît d’importantes disparités entre les seize régions qui composent son territoire. Ces disparités concernent à la fois la croissance démographique, les secteurs sociaux et la dynamique économique, et leur évolution est déterminée principalement par trois facteurs : l’urbanisation, les migrations et la localisation des activités. En effet, nos analyses montrent une concentration démographique et économique le long du littoral atlantique et des clivages entre la région centre et les régions périphériques d’une part et d’autre part entre les régions fortement urbanisées et les régions agricoles. Par ailleurs, cette recherche a fait apparaître qu’on ne pourrait freiner l’expansion de la métropole casablancaise, en étant le noyau dur de l’économie marocaine, qu’en offrant une alternative réelle pour la localisation des activités et des emplois dans les autres régions, et que celles-ci, ne pourraient le faire en comptant sur la seule aide de l’Etat. Elles devaient d’abord compter sur leurs propres forces, se mobiliser autour d’un projet. Et qu’il ne faudrait pas reproduire la tendance à la métropolisation du territoire marocain vers une poignée de métropole d’équilibre, au tour des capitales régionales comme le souhaitent certains responsables et spécialistes de l’aménagement du territoire. Mais, il fallait un développement socialement harmonieux et écologiquement durable, à chaque échelle du territoire. D’où la priorité urgente de développer le milieu rural, très longtemps marginalisé et en décalage avec la dynamique des villes. C’est un grand travail de rattrapage à faire. / If the works on the territorial organization and the regional divisions are many in Morocco, the studies on the measure of the degree of the socio-spatial disparities and the processes in cause in the formation of these disparities are rarer. This thesis would be a contribution to these two problems. She proceeds on one hand of the will to clarify and to measure the contribution of the spatial factors and has spatial in the dynamics of the inter-regional disparities in Morocco, and on the other hand, to test the hypothesis of convergence and regional development in the peripheral regions. As developing country, Morocco knows important disparities between sixteen regions which compose his territory. These disparities concern at the same moment the population growth, the social sectors and the economic dynamics, and their evolution is mainly determined by three factors : the urbanization, the migrations and the location of the activities. Indeed, our analyses show a demographic and economic concentration along the Atlantic coast and the splits enter the region centre and the peripheral regions on one hand and on the other hand between the strongly urbanized regions and the agricultural regions. Besides, this search created that we could not slow down the expansion of the Casablanca metropolis, by being the hard core of the Moroccan economy, that by offering a real alternative for the location of the activities and the jobs in the other regions, and that these, could not make him by counting on the only help of the State. They had to count at first on their own strengths, mobilize around a project. And that you would not should reproduce the tendency to the métropolisation of the Moroccan territory towards a handle of metropolis of balance, in the tour of capitals regional as wish it certain people in charge and specialists of the land settlement. But, was needed a socially harmonious and ecologically durable development, in every scale of the territory. Where from the urgent priority to develop the rural environment, very for a long time marginalized and in gap with the dynamics of cities. It is a big work of catching up to be made.

Orientador: Valeriano Mendes Ferreira Costa / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T07:04:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ferrari_ViniciusEduardo_M.pdf: 2206005 bytes, checksum: 9d90089440c2d0376a8f29f9a85a70ce (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: O intento desta dissertação é avaliar a tentativa de conformação de uma base de financiamento de longo prazo privada e nacional para a economia brasileira após o Golpe Militar de 1964. A idéia, portanto, é examinar a elaboração e a implementação do projeto dos bancos de investimentos, uma vez que estas instituições apresentavam como objetivo o fornecimento de empréstimos de prazos dilatados para o setor produtivo. A evidência empírica revela a incapacidade das reformas do governo Castello Branco no tocante à expansão do financiamento de longo prazo doméstico privado. Os bancos de investimentos não se tornaram ofertantes de fundos de longo prazo, mas sim de capital de giro, atuando de forma semelhante às demais instituições financeiras nacionais. Esta dissertação pretende estudar as causas deste resultado. Conclui-se que a dinamização dos financiamentos privados de longo prazo não representava um interesse econômico prioritário para os grupos privados nacionais. Nas décadas de 60 e 70, a atratividade/lucratividade das operações financeiras de curto prazo à disposição do sistema bancário tendeu a reforçar a aversão histórica dos bancos nacionais aos riscos inflacionários associados às aplicações financeiras de prazo dilatado. No tocante ao setor produtivo, a vigência de alguns traços estruturais do desenvolvimento capitalista brasileiro, tais como a baixa propensão das empresas privadas ao uso de recursos de terceiros para financiar o investimento, consolidou dentre os setores industriais a seguinte percepção: a elaboração de mecanismos para o financiamento do capital fixo não representava um elemento essencial. Nesta visão, seria muito mais importante a dinamização das fontes de financiamento de capital de giro, garantindo a total ocupação da capacidade industrial existente na economia. Na arena política, o interesse dos banqueiros pela redução do prazo das operações financeiras encontrou correspondência nas reivindicações dos setores produtivos pela ampliação das fontes de crédito de capital de giro e ambas as pressões se reforçaram mutuamente. As demandas particulares dos banqueiros convergiram, sobretudo, para o Conselho Monetário Nacional. Já os setores industriais encontraram na locução ao presidente Castello Branco um mecanismo eficaz para a materialização dos seus interesses. O governo atendeu as reivindicações dos grupos privados; os bancos de investimentos foram deslocados para o mercado creditício de médio prazo destinado ao financiamento do capital de giro das empresas. Desta forma, o projeto governamental referente à dinamização do crédito privado de longo prazo foi abortado durante a fase de implementação das reformas financeiras do governo Castello Branco / Abstract: The aim of this manuscript is to better analyze the attempt from the first military government to construct a private and national nucleus of long term financing after the ?"Revolution of 1964". We sought to assess the formulation and implementation of the investment banks project, once these financial institutions had the purpose to provide long term loans to the industrial sector. However, the existent financial data points the inability of Brazilian Government's Reforms regarding the expansion of the domestic as well as private long term funding in the Brazilian economy. Investment banks did not become lenders of long term funding, but working capital lenders instead, operating similarly to the usual Brazilian financial institutions. The intent of this work is, hence, to study the causes behind this result. By analyzing the reminiscent data, it was possible to observe that the expansion of the long term funding sources did not represent a major economic priority to the Brazilian private groups. The appeal of short term financial operations available to the national financial system reinforced the tendency of the Brazilian banks' historical resistance to inflationary risks associated to such long term funding operations. In regards to the productive sector, some structural features related to national capitalist development, as the low propensity of private companies for use of third party funds to financial investment, consolidated among the industrial sector an important perception: that the development of a private and national nucleus of long term funding was not an essential issue. According to this argument, the expansion of working capital funding sources would be more important, ensuring full occupancy of the industrial capacity existing in the economy. In the political arena, the bankers' aspiration to shorten financial operations was correspondent to the demands of industrial sectors regarding the expansion of the working capital sources, so that these expectations reinforced each other. The bankers' particular demands converged to the National Monetary Council. The industrial entrepreneurs have found, in the direct access to President Castello Branco, an effective mechanism for realizing their interests. The Brazilian government, on the other hand, met these private pressures and the investment banks were reallocated to the medium-term credit market. These institutions consequently started to provide working capital funds to the private companies. As a result, the government project related to the expansion of the long terms funds in the Brazilian economy was aborted during the implementation of the Financial Reforms / Mestrado / Ciencia Politica / Mestre em Ciência Política