The problem addressed in this thesis is the role of external development aid in the growth process with special reference to Sudan's experience of growth and development with foreign aid resources over the past two decades (1960-1980). The study is taken in the light of the basic ideas on which foreign aid theories have been conceived and in view of the critics of aid argument. Chapter 1 presents the aim of the study, the method of approach and the outline of the study. In Chapters 2 and 3 we present a review of the basic approa to the theory of foreign aid in economic growth, and examine the criticisms regarding the validity of their assumptions and operation-11. al usefulness as well as the modifications introduced to them. In Chapters 4 and 5 we highlight the salient features of the structure of the Sudanese economy and analyze the development performance and constraints over the past two decades in the light of the growth constraints identified by aid growth models. Chapter 6 consists of an account of the general characteristics of the flow of external development aid received by the Sudan during the period of study. Chapters 7and 8 deal explicitly with the impact of foreign resources on domestic savings, investment and growth with reference to Sudan's experience over the past two decades. Chapter 9 considers the problems that hindered the effective use of foreign aid resources in the Sudan during the period of study and highlights the main areas in which reform measures are needed. In Chapter 10 an estimate of the savings gap and the foreign exchange gap for the Sudan for the forthcoming Six Year Plan 1983/84-1988/89 is provided on the basis of the two gap approach.

Does foreign lobbying affect foreign aid? In this dissertation I provide compelling evidence the answer is yes. Prior scholarship has almost unequivocally focused on international bargaining as an exchange of public goods such as military, economic, or political concessions. Foreign lobbying represents a fundamentally different form of international bargaining. It is the exchange of a private good for an international policy concession. I develop a theory of foreign lobbying and foreign policy that views foreign policy formation as a function of political actors weighing public goods alongside the benefits they receive from foreign lobbyist contributions. I utilize a Heckman selection model to test this theory and find compelling evidence that foreign lobbying influences U.S. foreign aid allocations.

Does foreign lobbying affect foreign aid? In this dissertation I provide compelling evidence the answer is yes. Prior scholarship has almost unequivocally focused on international bargaining as an exchange of public goods such as military, economic, or political concessions. Foreign lobbying represents a fundamentally different form of international bargaining. It is the exchange of a private good for an international policy concession. I develop a theory of foreign lobbying and foreign policy that views foreign policy formation as a function of political actors weighing public goods alongside the benefits they receive from foreign lobbyist contributions. I utilize a Heckman selection model to test this theory and find compelling evidence that foreign lobbying influences U.S. foreign aid allocations.

Abstract. Foreign aid's effectiveness on eradicating corruption is a fragile yet complex topic to research in International Relations. Some scholars argue that economic aid should not be given without specific conditions, while some argue that aid should be given with strict or specific rules to recipient countries.  Par contra my research is aimed at examining one recipient country: Nigeria, as a case study which is considered amongst the most corrupt countries in the world yet are highly enriched in natural resources, such as being the major oil-producing country in Africa that boosts the country's GDP per capita through the export trade with foreign countries. And most foreign donor countries allocate economic aid to Nigeria because they are dependent on the country's trade on natural resources. In this research, I used two conceptualised variables of corruption; bribery and facilitate payment, which is considered the most common corruption trends in the Nigerian society, with the aim of analysing the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime's (UNODC) twelve-month survey report conducted in December 2019 in Nigeria. Alongside with the London 2016 Anti-Corruption Summit report, the current agenda agreed by forty countries with over six hundred commitments, which Nigeria participated in—hence creating the national anti-corruption programmes that the current President of Nigeria, Muhammadu Buhari implemented as a commitment to the Summit. Consequently using legitimacy and governance perspectives to analyse the efficacy of aid in Nigeria's institution, and evaluating the country's alliance of economic aid in combating corruption, whilst identifying the state's level of governance towards anti-corruption policies to eradicate corruption. The findings show that the level of corruption in Nigeria is still very much high within the public sectors and shows that three in four citizens encounter a form of corruption such as bribery, daily with a civilian who demands a bribe in exchange for their services. And facilitation payment is considered a common activity of Nigerian citizens to speed up legal procedures with the governmental institutions. Even though the Nigerian government claims that the national anti-corruption policies are effective, the survey still shows that there less amount of reported official persons in the conduct of corruption and also the policies doesn't show a trend that the official persons do abide by the policies because the rate of transparency within the institutions is very much low. Yet these official persons intend to be in denial of collecting bribes or participating in any form of corruption.

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Basing its foreign policy on the Wilsonian internationalism, the new Turkish Republic established good relations with countries around the world. It signed neutrality and friendship treaties, and pursued a neutral foreign policy. However, at the end of World War II, it abandoned its longtime neutral foreign policy and aimed to establish closer ties with the American-led West. This thesis examines how and why Turkey shifted its foreign policy from neutrality to active alliance. In the first half of the thesis, I closely deal with what role international developments played in that shift. First, I focus on how Josef Stalin's efforts to obtain bases and joint-control with Turkey over the Turkish Straits created a threat to Turkey's national security. Then, I explore how this threat forced Turkey to leave its neutral foreign policy and seek closer ties with the U.S. In the second half of the thesis, I examine how Turkey's search for economic aid and military commitment accelerated and intensified the shift from neutrality to active alliance. First, I focus on how Turkish officials aggressively sought economic assistance from the U.S. and how U.S. officials became resistant to the Turkish requests for additional aid beginning with the second half of 1947. Considering that Turkey was less vulnerable to the Soviet threat, U.S. officials judged that Turkey did not need aid as much as Western Europe did. In order to overcome the resistance, Turkish officials exaggerated the Soviet threat and used the problem of high defense spending. Then, I explore how Turkish officials sought a military commitment from the U.S. A U.S. military commitment could alleviate the problem of high defense spending and facilitate the flow of economic aid from the U.S. Therefore, Turkish officials carried on a diplomatic offensive to secure a military commitment from the U.S. In doing so, they distanced themselves from neutrality and became an institutional ally of the U.S. in 1952. / History

<p>Bachelor essay in political science by Linus Johansson, fall of 2006</p><p>“Aid and corruption: How do aid donors handle the corrupt regimes?”.</p><p>Supervisor: Jan Olsson.</p><p>The purpose of this essay is to describe the aid relation between donors and corrupt</p><p>governments, to find out whether donors reckon on the problems with implementation of aid</p><p>to corrupt governments when they decree their aid policy. There are a lot of different ways to</p><p>implement the economic aid that are being used by the donors today, and this essay will try to</p><p>exemplify the different methods of implementing the economic aid. To elucidate the relation</p><p>between donors and corrupt regimes, the essay analyzes three themes: the first two questions</p><p>are about the policies used by the donors, and the third question are used to shed light on the</p><p>actual implementation of aid to corrupt governments. The three themes are: i) Different aid</p><p>policies used by the donors ii) Do donors use particular policies against corrupt regimes? iii)</p><p>Do corrupt regimes receive less foreign aid? This study stresses the fact that donors do not</p><p>act like a group unit in the matter of development assistance policy, instead they act in</p><p>several separate groups, this may complicate the endeavour of making economic aid effective.</p><p>The conclusion of the essay is that corrupt governments are treated the same way that lesscorrupted</p><p>government are, nothing today indicates that donors would give less economic aid</p><p>to the corrupt regimes. This is interesting considering that donors outwards maintain the</p><p>importance of rewarding good institutions, that signifies that those who in practice does not</p><p>attach great importance in this matter does not fulfil their own policies. It is an important</p><p>issue because corruption seems to debilitate the effects of development assistance, but</p><p>development assistance having problem of debilitate the corruption in the recipients’</p><p>countries.</p>

<p>The purpose of this essay is to review the Swedish international development cooperation carried out by Sida to control whether the implementation of the international aid is compatible with the policy. There are a lot of different ways to implement the economic aid that are being used by the donors today. The Swedish method has since the 1960s mainly been focused on attempting to diminish the poverty in the world. In the latest time another goal has been added, that is a focus on supporting the civil rights. This essay will be concentrated to aim on what kind of countries receiving aid from Sweden, and exactly why these countries are being chosen.</p><p>The main question of this essay is: What countries are receiving the international developing aid, and how can this distribution be understood? To answer the main question there are two themes in the essay:</p><p>• What kind of countries is supposed to receive developing aid from Sweden according to the policy?</p><p>• What kind of countries is receiving the aid, and how can this be understood?</p><p>This essay is mainly based on quantitative data obtained from Sida, together with index of corruption and poverty will the different types of Swedish cooperation countries be described.</p><p>The conclusions of this essay are that there are two objectives of the policy: to fight poverty, and to strengthen the civil rights. What is noticeable in this essay is that it seems like there are more recipient of the aid from Sida that are relatively wealthy than there are poor. Still, it is obvious that the poor countries recieve a bigger amount of aid than the wealthy countries do. It is in other words difficult to declare which objective that is the superior one</p>

The purpose of this study was to examine whether the degree of discipline in social services may be the reason why more children are evicted in one municipality in Stockholm, compared to another. Since our purpose was to study the degree of discipline in social services work with eviction cases where children are concerned, discipline is therefore a central part of the study. The interest in the subject arose from our prior understanding that social services approach to discipline may affect the extent of evictions. In order to answer the study’s question at issue, a qualitative interview was conducted to create an understanding of the discipline and a vignette study was conducted to compare the social workers assessments in two municipalities in Stockholm, Högstad and Lågby. The study's interviews and vignette study was complemented with previous research related to the topic. The theoretical perspective was the basis for the analysis of the empirical study and consisted interconnection of theory by Michel Foucaults as well as Greta Marie Skaus and Erich Fromms perspective which helped us create a better understanding of the discipline in social services. In conclusion, we discussed thoughts and ideas that arose during the study and the results show, among other things, obvious elements of discipline in social services. Additional knowledge from the study contributed to increased understanding was in which way the social services approach to discipline affects their assessments in eviction cases where children are concerned.

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