Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / The great intensification of China’s engagement with Africa in the beginning of the 21st century has brought about an equally vast body of literature concerning the general motives and features of the engagement. The broad nature of such literature begs for more focused and localised analysis that are able to complement and inform the ongoing debate. This thesis aims to better understand how China’s policy towards Mozambique affects the latter’s economic development. With this objective in mind each of the four empirical chapters provides a fresh view over some of the most salient dimensions and recent processes related to China’s involvement with Mozambique. The following is analysed: China’s trade and investment with Mozambique; the Asian power’s economic involvement in Mozambique’ agriculture sector; the participation of the China-Exim Bank in the Mphanda Nkuwa dam negotiation process; and finally the participation of Mozambique in the China-sponsored multilateral organisation of the Macau Forum. The methodology used is primarily reliant on the analysis of secondary material supplemented by a small number of informal interviews. The core secondary material includes government investment agencies statistics, analysis of official documents, policies and analysis of material such as NGO reports, studies and media reports. The analysis corroborates the view that it mostly depends upon Mozambique’s governance actors to make China’s engagement work towards its economic development and that there is not a static set of monolithic neo-colonial tendencies overriding China’s commitments towards the African country.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since 2000, Chinese FDI in Zambia has steadily increased. Focused predominantly on resource extraction, China is now the third largest investor in Zambia, after only the United States and South Africa. As the title suggests, this FDI is recognized as relevant to Zambia’s developmental discourse. However, with general development indicators, there is challenge in establishing immediate causality between (Chinese) FDI and development. To address this, this study employs Capability Approach development theory, which utilizes a framework to evaluate social and political realities. Utilizing this framework, key indicators are used to look more deeply into the discussion around China’s FDI for Zambia’s development. There has been a great deal of speculation as to potential costs and/or benefits Chinese FDI may offer Zambia. As China offers Zambia a partnership of non-domestic interference, unique from Zambia’s traditional western syndicates, debate is raised as to what influence it will have on Zambia’s developmental progress. With challenges including limited information, numerous potential indicators to utilize, and a large number of contributing voices, the debate thus far lacks a means for evaluating the substance of claims made within the context of national trends. This study reviews and evaluates the debate within the framework of seven key socioeconomic and political indicators. While within economic growth and infrastructure expansion Chinese FDI are shown to indicate a conduciveness to development, FDI is not shown to be conducive for market diversification, challenging corruption, or strengthening institutions. The study therefore shows that trends of Chinese FDI’s relevance to Zambian employment and state dependency to be mixed and that assessments will need to disentangle various Chinese activities and will also need to consider contradictory effects. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert die jaar 2000 het Chinese direkte buitelandse belegging (DBB) in Zambië stelselmatig begin toeneem. Die groei is hoofsaaklik gekonsentreer in die hulpbron ontgunnings sektore. China is tans die derde grootste belegger in Zambia naas die Verenigde State van Amerika en Suid Afrika. Soos die titel van die tesis aandui, word DBB beskou as relevant tot Zambië se ontwikkelings dialoog. Aangesien die oorsaaklikheid tussen DBB en ontwikkeling nie maklik vasgestel kan word nie, word sleutel aanwysers gebruik om dieper in die gesprek rondom Chinese DBB ten opsigte van Zambiese ontwikkeling in te kyk. Tans is daar 'n groot mate van spekulasie aan potensiële risikos en/of voordele van Chinese DBB vir Zambië. China bied Zambië ‘n venootskap sonder inmenging in binnelandse beleid, anders as Westerse finansiering wat gekoppel word aan voorwaardes, en dit is wat die vraag lig; wat gaan die uiteindelikke invloed en effek wees op Zambiese ontwikkeling in die toekoms. Met uitdagings soos beperkte inligting, vele moontlikke aanwysers en ‘n groot aantal opinies, kort die debad tot dusver die vermoë om die waarde van argumente te evalueer binne die konteks van nasionale tendense. Hierdie studie evalueer die debat binne die raamwerk van sewe sleutel sosio-ekonomiese en politiese aanwysers. Chinese DBB word bevind om bevorderlik te wees ten opsigte van ontwikkeling in die infrastruktuur ontwikkeling- en ekonomiese groei sektore; dit word egter nie bevind as bevorderlik in terme van mark-diversifikasie, die teenkanting van korrupsie, of in die versterking van politieke instellings nie. Chinese DBB se invloed op indiensneming en op die afhanklikheid van die Zambiese staat toon gemengde resultate, en dat assesering verskeie Chinese aktiwiteite sal moet ontrafel en ook teenstrydigge effekte in gedagte moet hou.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: African affairs have traditionally not occupied a central place in Norway’s official foreign policy, and relations with countries in West Africa have been limited. However, in recent years, resource-rich countries such as Angola – Africa’s largest oil producer – have become the focus of Norwegian strategic interests. Private and public investments are increasing rapidly, paralleling a larger focus on aid. Today, Angola is a core country within Norway’s most prominent petroleum-related assistant programme, Oil for Development (OfD). This thesis will aim to contribute, by means of a critical political economy analysis, to a better understanding of Norway’s role in Angola through OfD. Specifically, this study aims to question who and what structures Norway really is aiding in Angola. Such an objective will be achieved by firstly using critical theory to demonstrate Norway’s role as a traditional middle power – through which Norway seeks to export an altruistic perception of a ‘do-good- image’ – is underpinned by a deeper national self-interest. Secondly, the thesis questions the theoretical foundation of OfD, and, thirdly, it attempts to identify whom the OfD programme is aiding. Ultimately, the thesis questions whether Norway is promoting sustainable development in Angola, or whether, instead, it is contributing to maintaining a status quo, from which Norway as a middle power continues to benefit. The study illustrates that Norway, as a middle power, has neither the capacity nor the national self-interest to achieve fundamental change in Angola. Norway’s commitment to the good governance agenda, and the belief in solutions offered by the resource curse thesis, is tackling the symptoms of Angola’s underdevelopment, rather than its root causes. OfD adopts a state-centric approach, which accepts the political economy structures in Angola, and gives limited attention to global structures and civil society. The thesis offers an alternative analysis, which illustrates how OfD is masking a neo-liberal development approach by incorporating Norwegian business interests and development goals in the same programme. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Afrika sake het tradisioneel nie 'n sentrale plek in Noorweë se amptelike buitelandse beleid beklee nie, en verhoudings met die westelike deel van die Afrika-kontinent is beperk. Tydens die afgelope jare het olie-ryk lande, soos Angola, egter die fokus van Noorweegse strategiese belange geword. Angola is vandag 'n kern land binne Noorweë se mees prominente petroleum-verwante hulpverleningsprogram, Oil for Development (OfD). Hierdie tesis het ten doel om, deur middel van 'n kritiese politieke ekonomie ontleding, by te dra tot ’n beter begrip van Noorweë se rol in Angola deur die OfD. Spesifiek bevraagteken hierdie studie aan wie en watter strukture in Angola Noorweë hulp verleen. Dit sal gedoen word deur eerstens gebruik te maak van kritiese teorie om te demonstreer dat Noorweë se rol as 'n tradisionele middelmoondheid – waardeur Noorweë poog om 'n altruïstiese persepsie van die staat uit te dra – onderskryf word deur 'n dieper nasionale selfbelang. Tweedens sal hierdie studie die teoretiese begronding van OfD bevraagteken, en derdens poog om te identifiseer wie deur die OfD program ondersteun word. Laastens sal die tesis bevraagteken of Noorweë volhoubare ontwikkeling in Angola bevorder, en eerder bydra tot die instandhouding van die status quo, waaruit Noorweë as 'n middelmoondheid voordeel trek. Die studie sal illustreer dat Noorweë, as ‘n middelmoondheid, nie die kapasiteit of die nasionale selfbelang het om fundamentele verandering in Angola te weeg te bring nie. Norweë se ondersteuning van die ‘good governance’ agenda, en oplossings wat deur die sogenaamde ‘hulpbronvloek’ tesis aangebied word, spreek die simptome van Angola se onder-ontwikkeldheid aan, eerder as die kernoorsake. OfD funksioneer op grond van ‘n staat-sentriese benadering, wat die politieke ekonomiese strukture in Angola aanvaar, en beperkte aandag aan globale strukture en die burgerlike samelewing gee. Hierdie tesis bied ‘n alternatiewe analise, wat wys hoe OfD eintlik ‘n neoliberale ontwikkelingsbenadering volg wat Noorweegse besigheids- en ontwikkelingsdoelwitte in dieselfde program inkorporeer.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study seeks to analyse regionalism in theory as well as in practice with regard to the Southern African region. Its purpose is thereby twofold: Firstly, this work claims to make a contribution to critical and reflectivist theorising of regionalism. The study of regionalism remains highly dominated by rationalist theories focusing predominantly on states as regionalising actors as well as on formal inter-state frameworks and market-led processes of regional integration. The hegemonic status of these approaches reinforces a specific form of regionalism which is compatible with neoliberal practices in the world economy. In order to reveal shortcomings and normative tenets of conventional theories and to account for the complexity and multidimensionality of regional projects and processes, a combination of theoretical insights from Robert W. Cox’s Critical Theory (CCT) as well as from the New Regionalism(s) Approach (NRA) are proposed as the theoretical framework for the study. The second objective is to bring civil society as a regionalising actor into the debate. Focusing on the highly exclusive and elite-driven regional project pursued by the region’s most comprehensive inter-state framework, the Southern African Development Community (SADC), the study addresses the question, as to what extent civil society at the regional level can act as a transformative force in terms of people-centred socio-economic development and social equity. After introducing crucial meta-theoretical, conceptual and methodological considerations, the major theoretical contributions to the study of regionalism are reviewed critically and a critical/reflectivist approach is proposed as an alternative to mainstream rationalist theorising. In a broad historical overview, the social, political, economic and cultural contexts which characterize the contemporary region of Southern Africa are discussed. Subsequently, four regional civil society organisations, namely the SADC Council of Non-governmental Organisations (CNGO), the Southern African Trade Union’s Co-ordination Council (SATUCC), the Economic Justice Network (EJN) of the Fellowship of Christian Councils in Southern Africa (FOCCISA) and the Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), are scrutinized with the intention to assess their transformative potential within SADC. The research conducted for the study is based on an eclectic employment of a combination of mostly qualitative methods, among them field research interviews, participatory observations as well as the analysis of primary and secondary sources/data. Two important conclusions can be drawn from this work: Firstly, an explicitly anti-reductionist and critical theoretical approach is seen as essential to account for the myriad of multi-level structural as well as agency-related factors influencing regionalism and regionalisation in Southern Africa. Secondly, the impact of regional civil society actors investigated in this study with regard to a more socio-economically inclusive form of regionalism remains limited, because of institutional and structural constraints, limited representativeness and a lack of strategic coordination among civil society organisations. Nevertheless, recent developments within civil society at the regional level also provide some reasons for optimism that a broader societal movement might be evolving which, as a transformative alliance, could challenge SADC’s contemporary approach to regionalism. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die studie probeer om regionalisme teoreties en empiries te analiseer met as fokus die Suider-Afrikaanse streek. Derhalwe is die navorsingsdoelstelling tweevoudig, eerstens, is die navorsing daarop gemik om ’n bydrae te lewer tot die kritiese en reflektiewe teoretisering van regionalisme. Die bestudering van regionalisme word steeds oorweldigend oorheers deur rasionalistiese teorieë, en fokus primêr op state as die belangrikste streeks-akteurs, asook op formele inter-staat raamwerke en mark-verwante prosesse van streeksintegrasie. Die hegemoniese status van hierdie benaderinge bekragtig ’n spesifieke vorm van regionalisme wat saamhang met neoliberale praktyk in die wêreld-ekonomie. Ten einde die tekortkominge en normatiewe aannames van konvensionele teorieë uit te wys, asook om rekening te gee van die kompleksiteit en multi-dimensionaliteit van streeks-projekte en prosesse, word ’n kombinasie van teoretiese insigte gebruik uit Robert W. Cox se Kritiese Teorie (CCT), asook insigte uit die Nuwe Regionalisme-benadering (NRA) en aan die hand gedoen as teoretiese vertrekpunt vir die studie. Die tweede navorsingsdoelwit is om die burgerlike samelewing as streeks-akteur binne die analise te inkorporeer. Met as empiriese fokus, die hoogs eksklusiewe en elite-gedrewe streeks-projek wat bedryf word deur die mees omvattende inter-staat streeksinstelling, die Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG), evalueer en assesseer die studie die vraag tot watter mate die burgerlike samelewing op streeksvlak kan optree as ’n krag vir verandering binne die raamwerk van mensgesentreerde sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkeling en sosiale gelykberegtiging. Na die bekendstelling van ’n aantal meta-teoretiese, konseptuele en metodologiese oorweginge wat van kardinale belang is, word die hoofstroom teoretiese bydraes tot die bestudering van regionalisme krities beskou, en word ’n krities/reflektiewe benadering voorgestel as ’n alternatiewe benadering. Vervolgens word ’n breë historiese oorsig van die sosiale, politieke, ekonomiese en kulturele kontekste wat kenmerkende is van die teenswoordige Suider-Afrikaanse streek gelewer. Hierna word vier burgerlike samelewings-organisasies, naamlik, die SAOG Raad vir Nie-regeringsorganisasies (CNGO), die Suider-Afrikaanse Vakbonde Koördineringsraad (SATUCC), die Ekonomiese Regverdigheidsnetwerk (EJN) van die Gemeenskap van Christelike Rade in Suider-Afrika (FOCCISA) en die Suider-Afrikaanse Mense Solidariteitsnetwerk (SAPSN), onder die loep geneem ten einde hul veranderingspotensiaal binne SAOG te assesseer. Die navorsing wat hiervoor onderneem is, is gegrond binne ’n eklektiese vermenging van hoofsaaklik kwalitatiewe metodes, insluitende veldnavorsing-onderhoude, deelnemende waarneming, asook die analise van primêre en sekondêre bronne en data. Twee belangrike gevolgtrekking word, ten slotte, gemaak. Eerstens, ’n eksplisiete en anti-reduksionistiese, krities-teoretiese benadering word as essensieël beskou om rekenskap te kan gee vir die meervoudige en meervlakkige strukturele asook agent-verwante faktore wat regionalisme en regionalisasie in Suider-Afrika beïnvloed. Tweedens, die impak van die burgerlike samewelings-akteurs waarop hierdie studie gefokus het, om ’n meer sosio-ekonomiese inklusiewe vorm van regionalisme tot stand te bring, is beperk. Die redes hiervoor is van ’n institutionele en strukturele aard, beperkte verteenwoordiging en ’n gebrek aan strategiese koördinering tussen burgelike samelewings-organisasies in die streek. Nietemin, is daar redes vir optimisme wat voortspruit uit onlangse ontwikkelinge binne die streek se burgerlike samelewings organisasies. Hieruit is dit moontlik dat ’n breë sosiale beweging sou kon ontwikkel wat, in die vorm van ’n veranderings-gerigte alliansie, die SAOG se huidige benadering tot regionalisme kan uitdaag.

Thesis (MBA (Business Management))--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Ethical decision making in business, the manifestation of business ethics in the individual, is influenced and shaped by various factors, including the external environment, organisational factors and society. In China business ethics, and consequently ethical decision making has emerged and developed mainly as a response to the economic reforms in response to globalisation. Globalisation, a product of the interaction of political and predominantly economic liberalisation, largely brought about by technological change, has become a household word since the last decade of the twentieth century. It is hailed by its advocates as a way to spread cosmopolitan values as well as better employment conditions and standards of living. Its critics, however, see it as a new wave of colonialism imposed by developed countries and multinational companies on poor countries, a synonym to exploitation and impoverishment of both people and nature. A contested issue on globalisation is concerned with its consequences as to the convergence of societies toward a uniform pattern of economic, political, and even cultural organisation, and thus to the formation of a global ethic. A change in approach towards intellectual property and the trends observed in patent applications indicate to what degree various countries have embraced the opportunities presented by globalisation. China is a prime example of a country that embraced the opportunities, and also made the required changes in policies and behaviour. Globalisation has changed the environment in which everyone is competing forever. International institutions play a significant role, and being part of treaties is paramount if countries want to play in the global market. Thus, globalisation changed the external environment that has an important influence on ethical decision making by individuals. These changes are followed by changes in countries' legal environments. As a result the rules by which companies have to play are also influenced, changing the way management should and eventually do behave, which will ultimately change the work experience gained by an individual. A change in individual factors will eventually change the ethical philosophy and the decision ideal of an individual, which also have an impact on ethical decision making. The end result is that globalisation has a profound influence on every factor that influence an individual making ethical decisions. However, these changes can take very long to start to manifest, a fact seen in the lag between policy changes and observing tangible changes in approach to intellectual property rights, as observed in China. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Etiese besluitneming deur die individu word beinvloed deur 'n wye verskeidenheid faktore, waaronder die eksterne omgewing, die organisasie waarvoor die individu werk, en ook die kultuur gemeenskap. Sake etiek in China, en dus ook etiese besluitneming het ontwikkel as die resultaat van ekonomiese beleidsveranderinge wat teweeg gebring is deur globalisering. Globalisering is die produk van die grootskaalse liberalisering van ekonomiee, aangehelp deur tegnologiese vooruitgang. Voorstanders van globalisering glo dat dit die verspreiding en groei van kosmopolitaanse waardes tot gevolg het, en uiteindelik lei tot beter werksomstandighede en lewensstandaarde vir almal. Die kritici meen egter dat dit 'n nuwe vorm van kolonialisme is waardeur ontwikkelde lande en internasionale besighede die ontwikkelende lande uitbuit. Die mate waarin globalisering lei tot die konvergensie van gemeenskappe na 'n uniforme ekonomiese, politiese en kulturele entiteit, word egter betwis. Gevolglik word daar ook gevra of globalisering lei tot die totstandkoming van 'n globale etiese kode. Lande benader die geleenthede wat globalisering bied op verskillende maniere. Hierdie verskille is duidelik sigbaar in die benadering wat gevolg word met intellektuele eiendom. Die tendense oor die afgelope paar jaar in die aantal aansoeke om patente te registreer, verskil dramaties van land tot land. China is 'n goeie voorbeeld van 'n land wat die geleentheid met beide hande aangegryp het. Nie net is beleid aangepas om voordeel uit die geleentheid te trek nie, maar mense se houding het ook dienooreenkomstig verander. Globalisering het die omgewing vir kompetisie dramaties verander. Internasionale organisasies speel 'n belangrike rol, en die ondertekening van verskeie ooreenkomste is ononderhandelbaar om ten volle deel te wees van die globale ekonomie. Globalisering het die eksterne omgewing sodanig verander dat dit nie anders kan as om 'n impak te hê op die besluitneming van individue nie. Die veranderende eksterne omgewing het noodgedwonge gelei tot veranderinge in die wette van verskeie lande. Die reels waaraan besighede moet voldoen is dus ook beinvloed, en so ook die manier waarop bestuur moet optree. Uiteindelik sal hierdie ook die ervaring van werknemers verander, en dus 'n impak hê op etiese besluitneming. Die uiteinde is dat globalisering elke faktor wat 'n impak het op etiese besluitneming beinvloed. Hierdie veranderinge kan egter 'n lang tyd neem om gestalte te vind in die optrede van organisasies en indivdue. 'n Goeie voorbeeld word gevind in China. Dit het 'n geruime tyd geneem vanaf beleid ten opsigte van intellektuele eiendom ingestel is totdat organsiasies en individue 'n verandering in gedrag en optrede begin toon het deur patente ernstig te beskou.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study attempts to overcome past failings in the analysis of post-apartheid South Africa's foreign policy. In contrast to "explanations" offered by most previous analyses, this work demonstrates that the behaviour exhibited by Pretoria is not immutable or simply subject to the global "realities", but is derivative of the specific historic conjuncture of forces that joined together during the transition from apartheid, and which remain open-ended. The changes in the African National Congress' economic and political policies during the transition period are seen as the key to any attempt to understand Pretoria's post-1994 foreign policy behaviour. This is intimately connected to the structural changes in the international political economy and the change in the balance of international class forces brought about by the neo-liberal counter revolution. Deploying a theoretical framework derivative of the work of the Italian Marxist, Antonio Gramsci, this study situates South Africa's foreign policy in a world where the ideology of neo-liberalism has achieved hegemonic status amongst the transnational elite class - fractions of national elites, representing and reflecting the interests of money capital. Such a hegemonic project informs the beliefs of the Government of National Unity and the subsequent foreign policy activities postured by Pretoria. This study attempts to understand how and why the ANCacceded to the dominant discourse of neo-liberalism and why this must be contextualised within the structural constraints brought to bear upon the GNUin an increasingly globalised world. This accession to neo-liberal beliefs has gIVen nse to contradictions within the domestic polity between contending class fractions and within the ANC'sown ranks. This has provoked a fundamental tension in Pretoria's overall foreign policy, where on the one hand South Africa accepts the fundamental normative world order, whilst on the other pushes various reformist initiatives which seek to re-negotiate Pretoria's standing within this framework. Specifically, South Africa's behaviour in multilateral organisations has been marked by a tactical middlepowermanship role, essentially problem-solving, which seeks to smooth out the international system so that the ongoing world order may function as "efficiently" as possible. Such behaviour has been qualitatively different from the activist role that was expected from an ANC-led administration. Indeed, the activism exhibited by South Africa has been largely centred around the promotion of the liberalisation of markets and free trade, albeit tempered by an awareness of the need to reconcile its acceptance of the hegemonic order, with that of the appeals of a historically important fraction of its support constituency: the Left and labour. Attempts to reconcile these two positions, of promoting "free" trade whilst at the same time demanding "fair" trade for example, mirror the broader contradictions that have been evident in South African foreign policy. They reflect the historic compromise that saw the ANCcome to administrative power, and also the desire by the government to balance its neo-liberal credentials with certain reformist convictions. This has been most evident in Pretoria's behaviour in multilateral organisations. SLXmultilateral initiatives, and Pretoria's role within each, are examined: the World Trade Organisation, the Cairns Group, the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, the Non-Aligned Movement, the Commonwealth, and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. Implications for future South African foreign policy are drawn out, and a critical eye cast on whether such roles played out by Pretoria are immutable, or subject to change. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie poog om vorige tekortkominge in die analise van post-apartheid Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid te oorkom. In teenstelling met die "verduidelikings" wat deur meeste vorige analises gebied word, illustreer die werk dat Pretoria se buitelandse gedragspatroon nie onveranderlik is en bloot onderhewig is aan die globale "realiteite" nie, maar voortvloei uit die besondere historiese tydsgewrig van magte wat saamgevoeg is gedurende die oorgang van apartheid na 'n onvoorspelbare era. Die veranderinge binne die African National Congress se ekonomiese en politieke beleid gedurende die oorgang periode word voorgehou as die sleutel tot enige poging om Pretoria se post-1994 buitelandse gedrag te verklaar. Strukturele veranderinge in die internasionale politieke ekonomie en die veranderinge in die magsbalans tussen internasionale klasse as gevolg van neo-liberalisme, het 'n fundamentele impak op die aard van hierdie buitelandse gedrag. Met behulp van 'n teoretiese raamwerk gedistilleer uit die werk van die Italiaanse Marxis, Antonio Gramsci plaas die studie Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid in 'n wêreld waarin die neo-liberale ideologie hoogty vier veral onder die transnasionale elite klas - fraksies van nasionale elites verteenwoordigend van die belange van finansiële kapitaal. Sodanige hegemoniese projek onderlê die oortuiging van die Regering van Nasionale Eenheid (RNE) en voortvloeiende buitelandse beleidsaksies. Die studie probeer vasstel hoe en waarom die ANC toenemend gehoor gegee het aan die oorheersende neo-liberale diskoers en waarom hierdie toetreding gekontekstualiseer moet word in terme van die strukturele beperkinge waaronder die RNE onderhewig is in 'n immerglobaliserende wêreld. Hierdie toetrede tot neo-liberale oortuiginge het aanleiding gegee tot teenstrydighede intern, tussen strydende klasfraksies asook binne die ANC se eie geledere. Hierdie teenstrydighede word ook weerspieël in Pretoria se buitelandsebeleids aksies in die algemeen. Aan die een kant aanvaar Suid- Afrika fundamenteel die normatiewe basis van wêreldorde, terwyl daar ook aan die ander kant gepoog word om Pretoria se posisie binne hierdie wêreldorde te bowe te kom. Suid-Afrika se gedrag in multilaterale organisasies in die besonder word gekenmerk deur 'n taktiese intermediêre rol ("middlepower role") hoofsaaklik van 'n probleem-oplossende aard, wat daarop gemik is om die internasionale sisteem so glad moontlik te funksioneer en teenstrydighede binne die wêreldorde te oorkom. Hierdie rol konstitueer 'n fundamentele wysiging van die aktivistiese rol wat van 'n ANC-regeerde Suid-Afrika verwag is. Die aktiwiteite wat wel deur Suid-Afrika geopenbaar is, sentreer hoofsaaklik om die bevordering van vrye en regverdige handel, alhoewel gerigsnoer deur 'n bewustheid van die behoefte om sodanige posisie te versoen met die aanvaarding van die bestaande hegemoniese orde aan die een kant en die eise van arbeid en politieke steun aan die Linkerkant van die politieke spektrum. Pogings om hierdie twee posisies te versoen - om "vrye" sowel as "regverdige" handel te versoen byvoorbeeld, weerkaats die algemene teenstrydighede waardeur Suid-Afrikaanse buitelandse beleid gekenmerk word. Die paradokse is tekenend van die historiese kompromie wat tot die ANC se bewindsoorname aanleiding gegee het asook die regering se behoefte om sy neoliberale orientasie te balanseer met bepaalde hevormingsoortuiginge. Hierdie patroon is besonder merkbaar in die geval van multilaterale organisasies. Ses multilaterale inisiatiewe en Pretoria se verhoudinge met elk van die volgende internasionale organisasies word van naderby bekyk, veral ten opsigte van die Wêreldhandelsorganisasie, die Cairns Groep, die Verenigde Nasies Konferensie oor Handel en Ontwikkeling, die Onverbonde Beweging, die Statebond en die Kernspêrverdrag. Daar word gewys op die implikasies vir Suid- Afrika se buitelandse beleid, terwyl daar krities gevra word of sodanige rolle wat deur Pretoria gespeel word, 'n bepaalde onveranderlikheid geniet of ook onderhewig is aan veranderinge.

Theories in the international political economy literature, economic liberalism and dependency, are explored in order to test the effect of U.S. aid, trade, and investment on human rights conditions in recipient states. Two measures of human rights conditions serve as dependent variables: security rights and subsistence rights. The data cover approximately 140 countries from 1976-1996. Pooled cross-sectional time series analysis, utilizing ordinary least squares (OLS) with panel corrected standard errors, is employed due to the temporal and spatial characteristics of the data. The results indicate that foreign assistance and economic policy may not be the best approaches to altering poor human rights practices in the area of security rights. Economic and military aid is negatively associated with levels of security rights, supporting the traditional dependency perspective. While the results from trade and investment are generally in the positive direction, the lack of consistent statistical evidence suggests that increased trade and investment relationships do not dramatically improve security rights. We can conclude, however, that trade and investment fail to have the negative effect on security rights in less developed countries which critics of globalization suggest. Economic aid has a statistically significant negative effect on subsistence rights, while military aid seems to benefit the human condition in recipient states. However, extreme negative effects on security rights accompany any benefit realized in the area of subsistence rights from military aid. Trade and investment have a positive and statistically significant effect on basic human needs providing support for the liberal perspective. It appears that American businesses and politicians can forge ahead with seemingly self-interested motivations and economic policies as American economic gain ironically serves to benefit the well being of citizens in other states. However, in spite of political rhetoric and even sincere intentions regarding foreign assistance policy, it appears that the road to human rights hell is paved with good intentions.

The theme of this study is that seven major East Asian less developed countries (LDCs) have experienced "dependent development," and that some internal and external intervening factors mattered in that process. Utilizing a framework of "dependent development," the data analysis deals with the political economy of development in these countries. This analysis supports the fundamental arguments of the dependent development perspective, which emphasize positive effects of foreign capital dependence in domestic capital formation and industrialization in East Asian LDCs. This perspective assumes the active role of the state, and it is found here to be crucial in capital accumulation and in economic growth. This cross-national time-series analysis also shows that the effects of external dependence and military spending on capital accumulation and economic growth can be considered as a regional phenomenon. The dependent development perspective offers a useful way to understand economic dynamism of East Asian LDCs for the past two decades.

This thesis research relations between Czechoslovakia and the Mongolian People's Republic during the normalization process. The work is focused on the transformation of relations between both countries from the Prague Spring period to the revocation of Yumjaagiin Tsedenbal in 1984. The remaining five chapters, covering the time scope of foreign policy, monitor economical relationships, ideological and cultural section of Czechoslovak-Mongolian relations during the normalization process. The content of the thesis draws chiefly primary sources: government delegations, period articles, official reports, cultural campaigns and other archival material. Thanks to these sources it was possible to authentically describe relations of both countries

A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Arts, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts. Johannesburg, 1997. / Faced with the potential threat of oil embargoes imposed by producer countries for political reasons, the consumer countries reacted by creating different alternatives which granted them some energy independence and security of supply by using alternative products and technologies available in their own countrles, Can a middle level developing country break out of the cycle of dependency in the area of energy? This dissertation investigates the strategy developed and implemented by South Africa between 1973 and 1993, which invested heavily in the generation of fuel extracted from coal in order to rescue its country from crisis and support it through critical periods of history. / AC2017