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China’s economic involvement in Mozambique and prospects for development : an analysis of the processes and impacts of major recent investmentsAlvarenga Rodrigues, Daniel Guilherme 12 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / The great intensification of China’s engagement with Africa in the beginning of the 21st
century has brought about an equally vast body of literature concerning the general
motives and features of the engagement. The broad nature of such literature begs for
more focused and localised analysis that are able to complement and inform the ongoing
debate. This thesis aims to better understand how China’s policy towards Mozambique
affects the latter’s economic development. With this objective in mind each of the four
empirical chapters provides a fresh view over some of the most salient dimensions and
recent processes related to China’s involvement with Mozambique. The following is
analysed: China’s trade and investment with Mozambique; the Asian power’s economic
involvement in Mozambique’ agriculture sector; the participation of the China-Exim
Bank in the Mphanda Nkuwa dam negotiation process; and finally the participation of
Mozambique in the China-sponsored multilateral organisation of the Macau Forum. The
methodology used is primarily reliant on the analysis of secondary material
supplemented by a small number of informal interviews. The core secondary material
includes government investment agencies statistics, analysis of official documents,
policies and analysis of material such as NGO reports, studies and media reports. The
analysis corroborates the view that it mostly depends upon Mozambique’s governance
actors to make China’s engagement work towards its economic development and that
there is not a static set of monolithic neo-colonial tendencies overriding China’s
commitments towards the African country.
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Chinese FDI and Zambian Development: A Critical Evaluation of the its Relevance through key Socio-Economic and Political IndicatorsDunkin, Cameron 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since 2000, Chinese FDI in Zambia has steadily increased. Focused predominantly on
resource extraction, China is now the third largest investor in Zambia, after only the
United States and South Africa. As the title suggests, this FDI is recognized as
relevant to Zambia’s developmental discourse. However, with general development
indicators, there is challenge in establishing immediate causality between (Chinese)
FDI and development. To address this, this study employs Capability Approach
development theory, which utilizes a framework to evaluate social and political
realities. Utilizing this framework, key indicators are used to look more deeply into
the discussion around China’s FDI for Zambia’s development. There has been a great
deal of speculation as to potential costs and/or benefits Chinese FDI may offer
Zambia. As China offers Zambia a partnership of non-domestic interference, unique
from Zambia’s traditional western syndicates, debate is raised as to what influence it
will have on Zambia’s developmental progress.
With challenges including limited information, numerous potential indicators to
utilize, and a large number of contributing voices, the debate thus far lacks a means
for evaluating the substance of claims made within the context of national trends. This
study reviews and evaluates the debate within the framework of seven key socioeconomic
and political indicators. While within economic growth and infrastructure
expansion Chinese FDI are shown to indicate a conduciveness to development, FDI is
not shown to be conducive for market diversification, challenging corruption, or
strengthening institutions. The study therefore shows that trends of Chinese FDI’s
relevance to Zambian employment and state dependency to be mixed and that
assessments will need to disentangle various Chinese activities and will also need to
consider contradictory effects. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert die jaar 2000 het Chinese direkte buitelandse belegging (DBB) in Zambië
stelselmatig begin toeneem. Die groei is hoofsaaklik gekonsentreer in die hulpbron
ontgunnings sektore. China is tans die derde grootste belegger in Zambia naas die
Verenigde State van Amerika en Suid Afrika. Soos die titel van die tesis aandui, word
DBB beskou as relevant tot Zambië se ontwikkelings dialoog. Aangesien die
oorsaaklikheid tussen DBB en ontwikkeling nie maklik vasgestel kan word nie, word
sleutel aanwysers gebruik om dieper in die gesprek rondom Chinese DBB ten opsigte
van Zambiese ontwikkeling in te kyk. Tans is daar 'n groot mate van spekulasie aan
potensiële risikos en/of voordele van Chinese DBB vir Zambië. China bied Zambië ‘n
venootskap sonder inmenging in binnelandse beleid, anders as Westerse finansiering
wat gekoppel word aan voorwaardes, en dit is wat die vraag lig; wat gaan die
uiteindelikke invloed en effek wees op Zambiese ontwikkeling in die toekoms.
Met uitdagings soos beperkte inligting, vele moontlikke aanwysers en ‘n groot aantal
opinies, kort die debad tot dusver die vermoë om die waarde van argumente te
evalueer binne die konteks van nasionale tendense. Hierdie studie evalueer die debat
binne die raamwerk van sewe sleutel sosio-ekonomiese en politiese aanwysers.
Chinese DBB word bevind om bevorderlik te wees ten opsigte van ontwikkeling in
die infrastruktuur ontwikkeling- en ekonomiese groei sektore; dit word egter nie
bevind as bevorderlik in terme van mark-diversifikasie, die teenkanting van korrupsie,
of in die versterking van politieke instellings nie. Chinese DBB se invloed op
indiensneming en op die afhanklikheid van die Zambiese staat toon gemengde
resultate, en dat assesering verskeie Chinese aktiwiteite sal moet ontrafel en ook
teenstrydigge effekte in gedagte moet hou.
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Oiling Development? A critical analysis of Norway's petroleum assistance to AngolaMartinsen, Mari 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: African affairs have traditionally not occupied a central place in Norway’s official foreign policy, and relations with countries in West Africa have been limited. However, in recent years, resource-rich countries such as Angola – Africa’s largest oil producer – have become the focus of Norwegian strategic interests. Private and public investments are increasing rapidly, paralleling a larger focus on aid. Today, Angola is a core country within Norway’s most prominent petroleum-related assistant programme, Oil for Development (OfD). This thesis will aim to contribute, by means of a critical political economy analysis, to a better understanding of Norway’s role in Angola through OfD. Specifically, this study aims to question who and what structures Norway really is aiding in Angola. Such an objective will be achieved by firstly using critical theory to demonstrate Norway’s role as a traditional middle power – through which Norway seeks to export an altruistic perception of a ‘do-good- image’ – is underpinned by a deeper national self-interest. Secondly, the thesis questions the theoretical foundation of OfD, and, thirdly, it attempts to identify whom the OfD programme is aiding. Ultimately, the thesis questions whether Norway is promoting sustainable development in Angola, or whether, instead, it is contributing to maintaining a status quo, from which Norway as a middle power continues to benefit. The study illustrates that Norway, as a middle power, has neither the capacity nor the national self-interest to achieve fundamental change in Angola. Norway’s commitment to the good governance agenda, and the belief in solutions offered by the resource curse thesis, is tackling the symptoms of Angola’s underdevelopment, rather than its root causes. OfD adopts a state-centric approach, which accepts the political economy structures in Angola, and gives limited attention to global structures and civil society. The thesis offers an alternative analysis, which illustrates how OfD is masking a neo-liberal development approach by incorporating Norwegian business interests and development goals in the same programme. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Afrika sake het tradisioneel nie 'n sentrale plek in Noorweë se amptelike buitelandse beleid beklee nie, en verhoudings met die westelike deel van die Afrika-kontinent is beperk. Tydens die afgelope jare het olie-ryk lande, soos Angola, egter die fokus van Noorweegse strategiese belange geword. Angola is vandag 'n kern land binne Noorweë se mees prominente petroleum-verwante hulpverleningsprogram, Oil for Development (OfD). Hierdie tesis het ten doel om, deur middel van 'n kritiese politieke ekonomie ontleding, by te dra tot ’n beter begrip van Noorweë se rol in Angola deur die OfD. Spesifiek bevraagteken hierdie studie aan wie en watter strukture in Angola Noorweë hulp verleen. Dit sal gedoen word deur eerstens gebruik te maak van kritiese teorie om te demonstreer dat Noorweë se rol as 'n tradisionele middelmoondheid – waardeur Noorweë poog om 'n altruïstiese persepsie van die staat uit te dra – onderskryf word deur 'n dieper nasionale selfbelang. Tweedens sal hierdie studie die teoretiese begronding van OfD bevraagteken, en derdens poog om te identifiseer wie deur die OfD program ondersteun word. Laastens sal die tesis bevraagteken of Noorweë volhoubare ontwikkeling in Angola bevorder, en eerder bydra tot die instandhouding van die status quo, waaruit Noorweë as 'n middelmoondheid voordeel trek. Die studie sal illustreer dat Noorweë, as ‘n middelmoondheid, nie die kapasiteit of die nasionale selfbelang het om fundamentele verandering in Angola te weeg te bring nie. Norweë se ondersteuning van die ‘good governance’ agenda, en oplossings wat deur die sogenaamde ‘hulpbronvloek’ tesis aangebied word, spreek die simptome van Angola se onder-ontwikkeldheid aan, eerder as die kernoorsake. OfD funksioneer op grond van ‘n staat-sentriese benadering, wat die politieke ekonomiese strukture in Angola aanvaar, en beperkte aandag aan globale strukture en die burgerlike samelewing gee. Hierdie tesis bied ‘n alternatiewe analise, wat wys hoe OfD eintlik ‘n neoliberale ontwikkelingsbenadering volg wat Noorweegse besigheids- en ontwikkelingsdoelwitte in dieselfde program inkorporeer.
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Regionalism in theory and practice : the transformative potential of civil society in Southern AfricaZajontz, Alexander Tim 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study seeks to analyse regionalism in theory as well as in practice with regard to the Southern African region. Its purpose is thereby twofold: Firstly, this work claims to make a contribution to critical and reflectivist theorising of regionalism. The study of regionalism remains highly dominated by rationalist theories focusing predominantly on states as regionalising actors as well as on formal inter-state frameworks and market-led processes of regional integration. The hegemonic status of these approaches reinforces a specific form of regionalism which is compatible with neoliberal practices in the world economy. In order to reveal shortcomings and normative tenets of conventional theories and to account for the complexity and multidimensionality of regional projects and processes, a combination of theoretical insights from Robert W. Cox’s Critical Theory (CCT) as well as from the New Regionalism(s) Approach (NRA) are proposed as the theoretical framework for the study. The second objective is to bring civil society as a regionalising actor into the debate. Focusing on the highly exclusive and elite-driven regional project pursued by the region’s most comprehensive inter-state framework, the Southern African Development Community (SADC), the study addresses the question, as to what extent civil society at the regional level can act as a transformative force in terms of people-centred socio-economic development and social equity.
After introducing crucial meta-theoretical, conceptual and methodological considerations, the major theoretical contributions to the study of regionalism are reviewed critically and a critical/reflectivist approach is proposed as an alternative to mainstream rationalist theorising. In a broad historical overview, the social, political, economic and cultural contexts which characterize the contemporary region of Southern Africa are discussed. Subsequently, four regional civil society organisations, namely the SADC Council of Non-governmental Organisations (CNGO), the Southern African Trade Union’s Co-ordination Council (SATUCC), the Economic Justice Network (EJN) of the Fellowship of Christian Councils in Southern Africa (FOCCISA) and the Southern African People’s Solidarity Network (SAPSN), are scrutinized with the intention to assess their transformative potential within SADC. The research conducted for the study is based on an eclectic employment of a combination of mostly qualitative methods, among them field research interviews, participatory observations as well as the analysis of primary and secondary sources/data. Two important conclusions can be drawn from this work: Firstly, an explicitly anti-reductionist and critical theoretical approach is seen as essential to account for the myriad of multi-level structural as well as agency-related factors influencing regionalism and regionalisation in Southern Africa. Secondly, the impact of regional civil society actors investigated in this study with regard to a more socio-economically inclusive form of regionalism remains limited, because of institutional and structural constraints, limited representativeness and a lack of strategic coordination among civil society organisations. Nevertheless, recent developments within civil society at the regional level also provide some reasons for optimism that a broader societal movement might be evolving which, as a transformative alliance, could challenge SADC’s contemporary approach to regionalism. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die studie probeer om regionalisme teoreties en empiries te analiseer met as fokus die Suider-Afrikaanse streek. Derhalwe is die navorsingsdoelstelling tweevoudig, eerstens, is die navorsing daarop gemik om ’n bydrae te lewer tot die kritiese en reflektiewe teoretisering van regionalisme. Die bestudering van regionalisme word steeds oorweldigend oorheers deur rasionalistiese teorieë, en fokus primêr op state as die belangrikste streeks-akteurs, asook op formele inter-staat raamwerke en mark-verwante prosesse van streeksintegrasie. Die hegemoniese status van hierdie benaderinge bekragtig ’n spesifieke vorm van regionalisme wat saamhang met neoliberale praktyk in die wêreld-ekonomie. Ten einde die tekortkominge en normatiewe aannames van konvensionele teorieë uit te wys, asook om rekening te gee van die kompleksiteit en multi-dimensionaliteit van streeks-projekte en prosesse, word ’n kombinasie van teoretiese insigte gebruik uit Robert W. Cox se Kritiese Teorie (CCT), asook insigte uit die Nuwe Regionalisme-benadering (NRA) en aan die hand gedoen as teoretiese vertrekpunt vir die studie. Die tweede navorsingsdoelwit is om die burgerlike samelewing as streeks-akteur binne die analise te inkorporeer. Met as empiriese fokus, die hoogs eksklusiewe en elite-gedrewe streeks-projek wat bedryf word deur die mees omvattende inter-staat streeksinstelling, die Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG), evalueer en assesseer die studie die vraag tot watter mate die burgerlike samelewing op streeksvlak kan optree as ’n krag vir verandering binne die raamwerk van mensgesentreerde sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkeling en sosiale gelykberegtiging. Na die bekendstelling van ’n aantal meta-teoretiese, konseptuele en metodologiese oorweginge wat van kardinale belang is, word die hoofstroom teoretiese bydraes tot die bestudering van regionalisme krities beskou, en word ’n krities/reflektiewe benadering voorgestel as ’n alternatiewe benadering. Vervolgens word ’n breë historiese oorsig van die sosiale, politieke, ekonomiese en kulturele kontekste wat kenmerkende is van die teenswoordige Suider-Afrikaanse streek gelewer. Hierna word vier burgerlike samelewings-organisasies, naamlik, die SAOG Raad vir Nie-regeringsorganisasies (CNGO), die Suider-Afrikaanse Vakbonde Koördineringsraad (SATUCC), die Ekonomiese Regverdigheidsnetwerk (EJN) van die Gemeenskap van Christelike Rade in Suider-Afrika (FOCCISA) en die Suider-Afrikaanse Mense Solidariteitsnetwerk (SAPSN), onder die loep geneem ten einde hul veranderingspotensiaal binne SAOG te assesseer. Die navorsing wat hiervoor onderneem is, is gegrond binne ’n eklektiese vermenging van hoofsaaklik kwalitatiewe metodes, insluitende veldnavorsing-onderhoude, deelnemende waarneming, asook die analise van primêre en sekondêre bronne en data.
Twee belangrike gevolgtrekking word, ten slotte, gemaak. Eerstens, ’n eksplisiete en anti-reduksionistiese, krities-teoretiese benadering word as essensieël beskou om rekenskap te kan gee vir die meervoudige en meervlakkige strukturele asook agent-verwante faktore wat regionalisme en regionalisasie in Suider-Afrika beïnvloed. Tweedens, die impak van die burgerlike samewelings-akteurs waarop hierdie studie gefokus het, om ’n meer sosio-ekonomiese inklusiewe vorm van regionalisme tot stand te bring, is beperk. Die redes hiervoor is van ’n institutionele en strukturele aard, beperkte verteenwoordiging en ’n gebrek aan strategiese koördinering tussen burgelike samelewings-organisasies in die streek. Nietemin, is daar redes vir optimisme wat voortspruit uit onlangse ontwikkelinge binne die streek se burgerlike samelewings organisasies. Hieruit is dit moontlik dat ’n breë sosiale beweging sou kon ontwikkel wat, in die vorm van ’n veranderings-gerigte alliansie, die SAOG se huidige benadering tot regionalisme kan uitdaag.
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Globalisation and its influence on ethical decision making in business : China and intellectual property rightsNeveling, Arno 12 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MBA (Business Management))--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Ethical decision making in business, the manifestation of business ethics in the
individual, is influenced and shaped by various factors, including the external
environment, organisational factors and society. In China business ethics, and
consequently ethical decision making has emerged and developed mainly as a
response to the economic reforms in response to globalisation.
Globalisation, a product of the interaction of political and predominantly economic
liberalisation, largely brought about by technological change, has become a
household word since the last decade of the twentieth century. It is hailed by its
advocates as a way to spread cosmopolitan values as well as better employment
conditions and standards of living. Its critics, however, see it as a new wave of
colonialism imposed by developed countries and multinational companies on poor
countries, a synonym to exploitation and impoverishment of both people and nature.
A contested issue on globalisation is concerned with its consequences as to the
convergence of societies toward a uniform pattern of economic, political, and even
cultural organisation, and thus to the formation of a global ethic.
A change in approach towards intellectual property and the trends observed in patent
applications indicate to what degree various countries have embraced the
opportunities presented by globalisation. China is a prime example of a country that
embraced the opportunities, and also made the required changes in policies and
behaviour.
Globalisation has changed the environment in which everyone is competing forever.
International institutions play a significant role, and being part of treaties is
paramount if countries want to play in the global market. Thus, globalisation changed
the external environment that has an important influence on ethical decision making
by individuals. These changes are followed by changes in countries' legal
environments. As a result the rules by which companies have to play are also
influenced, changing the way management should and eventually do behave, which
will ultimately change the work experience gained by an individual. A change in
individual factors will eventually change the ethical philosophy and the decision ideal
of an individual, which also have an impact on ethical decision making. The end
result is that globalisation has a profound influence on every factor that influence an
individual making ethical decisions. However, these changes can take very long to
start to manifest, a fact seen in the lag between policy changes and observing
tangible changes in approach to intellectual property rights, as observed in China. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Etiese besluitneming deur die individu word beinvloed deur 'n wye verskeidenheid
faktore, waaronder die eksterne omgewing, die organisasie waarvoor die individu
werk, en ook die kultuur gemeenskap. Sake etiek in China, en dus ook etiese
besluitneming het ontwikkel as die resultaat van ekonomiese beleidsveranderinge
wat teweeg gebring is deur globalisering.
Globalisering is die produk van die grootskaalse liberalisering van ekonomiee,
aangehelp deur tegnologiese vooruitgang. Voorstanders van globalisering glo dat dit
die verspreiding en groei van kosmopolitaanse waardes tot gevolg het, en uiteindelik
lei tot beter werksomstandighede en lewensstandaarde vir almal. Die kritici meen
egter dat dit 'n nuwe vorm van kolonialisme is waardeur ontwikkelde lande en
internasionale besighede die ontwikkelende lande uitbuit.
Die mate waarin globalisering lei tot die konvergensie van gemeenskappe na 'n
uniforme ekonomiese, politiese en kulturele entiteit, word egter betwis. Gevolglik
word daar ook gevra of globalisering lei tot die totstandkoming van 'n globale etiese
kode.
Lande benader die geleenthede wat globalisering bied op verskillende maniere.
Hierdie verskille is duidelik sigbaar in die benadering wat gevolg word met
intellektuele eiendom. Die tendense oor die afgelope paar jaar in die aantal
aansoeke om patente te registreer, verskil dramaties van land tot land. China is 'n
goeie voorbeeld van 'n land wat die geleentheid met beide hande aangegryp het. Nie
net is beleid aangepas om voordeel uit die geleentheid te trek nie, maar mense se
houding het ook dienooreenkomstig verander.
Globalisering het die omgewing vir kompetisie dramaties verander. Internasionale
organisasies speel 'n belangrike rol, en die ondertekening van verskeie
ooreenkomste is ononderhandelbaar om ten volle deel te wees van die globale
ekonomie. Globalisering het die eksterne omgewing sodanig verander dat dit nie
anders kan as om 'n impak te hê op die besluitneming van individue nie. Die
veranderende eksterne omgewing het noodgedwonge gelei tot veranderinge in die
wette van verskeie lande. Die reels waaraan besighede moet voldoen is dus ook
beinvloed, en so ook die manier waarop bestuur moet optree. Uiteindelik sal hierdie
ook die ervaring van werknemers verander, en dus 'n impak hê op etiese
besluitneming. Die uiteinde is dat globalisering elke faktor wat 'n impak het op etiese
besluitneming beinvloed. Hierdie veranderinge kan egter 'n lang tyd neem om
gestalte te vind in die optrede van organisasies en indivdue. 'n Goeie voorbeeld word
gevind in China. Dit het 'n geruime tyd geneem vanaf beleid ten opsigte van
intellektuele eiendom ingestel is totdat organsiasies en individue 'n verandering in
gedrag en optrede begin toon het deur patente ernstig te beskou.
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Hegemony, 'common sense' and compromise : a neo-gramscian analysis of multilateralism in South Africa's post-apartheid foreign policyTaylor, Ian 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT:
This study attempts to overcome past failings in the analysis of post-apartheid
South Africa's foreign policy. In contrast to "explanations" offered by most
previous analyses, this work demonstrates that the behaviour exhibited by
Pretoria is not immutable or simply subject to the global "realities", but is
derivative of the specific historic conjuncture of forces that joined together
during the transition from apartheid, and which remain open-ended. The
changes in the African National Congress' economic and political policies during
the transition period are seen as the key to any attempt to understand Pretoria's
post-1994 foreign policy behaviour. This is intimately connected to the
structural changes in the international political economy and the change in the
balance of international class forces brought about by the neo-liberal counter
revolution.
Deploying a theoretical framework derivative of the work of the Italian
Marxist, Antonio Gramsci, this study situates South Africa's foreign policy in a
world where the ideology of neo-liberalism has achieved hegemonic status
amongst the transnational elite class - fractions of national elites, representing
and reflecting the interests of money capital. Such a hegemonic project informs
the beliefs of the Government of National Unity and the subsequent foreign
policy activities postured by Pretoria. This study attempts to understand how
and why the ANCacceded to the dominant discourse of neo-liberalism and why
this must be contextualised within the structural constraints brought to bear
upon the GNUin an increasingly globalised world.
This accession to neo-liberal beliefs has gIVen nse to contradictions
within the domestic polity between contending class fractions and within the
ANC'sown ranks. This has provoked a fundamental tension in Pretoria's overall
foreign policy, where on the one hand South Africa accepts the fundamental
normative world order, whilst on the other pushes various reformist initiatives
which seek to re-negotiate Pretoria's standing within this framework.
Specifically, South Africa's behaviour in multilateral organisations has been
marked by a tactical middlepowermanship role, essentially problem-solving, which seeks to smooth out the international system so that the ongoing world
order may function as "efficiently" as possible. Such behaviour has been
qualitatively different from the activist role that was expected from an ANC-led
administration.
Indeed, the activism exhibited by South Africa has been largely centred
around the promotion of the liberalisation of markets and free trade, albeit
tempered by an awareness of the need to reconcile its acceptance of the
hegemonic order, with that of the appeals of a historically important fraction of
its support constituency: the Left and labour. Attempts to reconcile these two
positions, of promoting "free" trade whilst at the same time demanding "fair"
trade for example, mirror the broader contradictions that have been evident in
South African foreign policy. They reflect the historic compromise that saw the
ANCcome to administrative power, and also the desire by the government to
balance its neo-liberal credentials with certain reformist convictions. This has
been most evident in Pretoria's behaviour in multilateral organisations.
SLXmultilateral initiatives, and Pretoria's role within each, are examined:
the World Trade Organisation, the Cairns Group, the United Nations Conference
on Trade and Development, the Non-Aligned Movement, the Commonwealth,
and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. Implications for future South African
foreign policy are drawn out, and a critical eye cast on whether such roles
played out by Pretoria are immutable, or subject to change. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING:
Hierdie studie poog om vorige tekortkominge in die analise van post-apartheid
Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid te oorkom. In teenstelling met die
"verduidelikings" wat deur meeste vorige analises gebied word, illustreer die
werk dat Pretoria se buitelandse gedragspatroon nie onveranderlik is en bloot
onderhewig is aan die globale "realiteite" nie, maar voortvloei uit die besondere
historiese tydsgewrig van magte wat saamgevoeg is gedurende die oorgang van
apartheid na 'n onvoorspelbare era. Die veranderinge binne die African National
Congress se ekonomiese en politieke beleid gedurende die oorgang periode word
voorgehou as die sleutel tot enige poging om Pretoria se post-1994 buitelandse
gedrag te verklaar. Strukturele veranderinge in die internasionale politieke
ekonomie en die veranderinge in die magsbalans tussen internasionale klasse
as gevolg van neo-liberalisme, het 'n fundamentele impak op die aard van
hierdie buitelandse gedrag.
Met behulp van 'n teoretiese raamwerk gedistilleer uit die werk van die
Italiaanse Marxis, Antonio Gramsci plaas die studie Suid-Afrika se buitelandse
beleid in 'n wêreld waarin die neo-liberale ideologie hoogty vier veral onder die
transnasionale elite klas - fraksies van nasionale elites verteenwoordigend van
die belange van finansiële kapitaal. Sodanige hegemoniese projek onderlê die
oortuiging van die Regering van Nasionale Eenheid (RNE) en voortvloeiende
buitelandse beleidsaksies. Die studie probeer vasstel hoe en waarom die ANC
toenemend gehoor gegee het aan die oorheersende neo-liberale diskoers en
waarom hierdie toetreding gekontekstualiseer moet word in terme van die
strukturele beperkinge waaronder die RNE onderhewig is in 'n immerglobaliserende
wêreld.
Hierdie toetrede tot neo-liberale oortuiginge het aanleiding gegee tot
teenstrydighede intern, tussen strydende klasfraksies asook binne die ANC se
eie geledere. Hierdie teenstrydighede word ook weerspieël in Pretoria se
buitelandsebeleids aksies in die algemeen. Aan die een kant aanvaar Suid-
Afrika fundamenteel die normatiewe basis van wêreldorde, terwyl daar ook aan
die ander kant gepoog word om Pretoria se posisie binne hierdie wêreldorde te
bowe te kom.
Suid-Afrika se gedrag in multilaterale organisasies in die besonder word
gekenmerk deur 'n taktiese intermediêre rol ("middlepower role") hoofsaaklik
van 'n probleem-oplossende aard, wat daarop gemik is om die internasionale sisteem so glad moontlik te funksioneer en teenstrydighede binne die
wêreldorde te oorkom. Hierdie rol konstitueer 'n fundamentele wysiging van die
aktivistiese rol wat van 'n ANC-regeerde Suid-Afrika verwag is.
Die aktiwiteite wat wel deur Suid-Afrika geopenbaar is, sentreer
hoofsaaklik om die bevordering van vrye en regverdige handel, alhoewel
gerigsnoer deur 'n bewustheid van die behoefte om sodanige posisie te versoen
met die aanvaarding van die bestaande hegemoniese orde aan die een kant en
die eise van arbeid en politieke steun aan die Linkerkant van die politieke
spektrum. Pogings om hierdie twee posisies te versoen - om "vrye" sowel as
"regverdige" handel te versoen byvoorbeeld, weerkaats die algemene
teenstrydighede waardeur Suid-Afrikaanse buitelandse beleid gekenmerk word.
Die paradokse is tekenend van die historiese kompromie wat tot die ANC se
bewindsoorname aanleiding gegee het asook die regering se behoefte om sy neoliberale
orientasie te balanseer met bepaalde hevormingsoortuiginge. Hierdie
patroon is besonder merkbaar in die geval van multilaterale organisasies.
Ses multilaterale inisiatiewe en Pretoria se verhoudinge met elk van die
volgende internasionale organisasies word van naderby bekyk, veral ten opsigte
van die Wêreldhandelsorganisasie, die Cairns Groep, die Verenigde Nasies
Konferensie oor Handel en Ontwikkeling, die Onverbonde Beweging, die
Statebond en die Kernspêrverdrag. Daar word gewys op die implikasies vir Suid-
Afrika se buitelandse beleid, terwyl daar krities gevra word of sodanige rolle wat
deur Pretoria gespeel word, 'n bepaalde onveranderlikheid geniet of ook
onderhewig is aan veranderinge.
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Is the Road to Hell Paved with Good Intentions? The Effect of U.S. Foreign Assistance and Economic Policy on Human RightsCallaway, Rhonda L. 08 1900 (has links)
Theories in the international political economy literature, economic liberalism and dependency, are explored in order to test the effect of U.S. aid, trade, and investment on human rights conditions in recipient states. Two measures of human rights conditions serve as dependent variables: security rights and subsistence rights. The data cover approximately 140 countries from 1976-1996. Pooled cross-sectional time series analysis, utilizing ordinary least squares (OLS) with panel corrected standard errors, is employed due to the temporal and spatial characteristics of the data. The results indicate that foreign assistance and economic policy may not be the best approaches to altering poor human rights practices in the area of security rights. Economic and military aid is negatively associated with levels of security rights, supporting the traditional dependency perspective. While the results from trade and investment are generally in the positive direction, the lack of consistent statistical evidence suggests that increased trade and investment relationships do not dramatically improve security rights. We can conclude, however, that trade and investment fail to have the negative effect on security rights in less developed countries which critics of globalization suggest. Economic aid has a statistically significant negative effect on subsistence rights, while military aid seems to benefit the human condition in recipient states. However, extreme negative effects on security rights accompany any benefit realized in the area of subsistence rights from military aid. Trade and investment have a positive and statistically significant effect on basic human needs providing support for the liberal perspective. It appears that American businesses and politicians can forge ahead with seemingly self-interested motivations and economic policies as American economic gain ironically serves to benefit the well being of citizens in other states. However, in spite of political rhetoric and even sincere intentions regarding foreign assistance policy, it appears that the road to human rights hell is paved with good intentions.
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Military Spending, External Dependence, and Economic Growth in Seven Asian Nations: a Cross-National Time-Series AnalysisKo, Sung-youn 05 1900 (has links)
The theme of this study is that seven major East Asian less developed countries (LDCs) have experienced "dependent development," and that some internal and external intervening factors mattered in that process. Utilizing a framework of "dependent development," the data analysis deals with the political economy of development in these countries. This analysis supports the fundamental arguments of the dependent development perspective, which emphasize positive effects of foreign capital dependence in domestic capital formation and industrialization in East Asian LDCs. This perspective assumes the active role of the state, and it is found here to be crucial in capital accumulation and in economic growth. This cross-national time-series analysis also shows that the effects of external dependence and military spending on capital accumulation and economic growth can be considered as a regional phenomenon. The dependent development perspective offers a useful way to understand economic dynamism of East Asian LDCs for the past two decades.
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Normalizace s nomády. Československo-mongolské politické, hospodářské a kulturní vztahy v letech 1968-1984 / Czechoslovak-Mongolian political, economical and cultural relations 1968-1984Pokorný, Miroslav January 2017 (has links)
This thesis research relations between Czechoslovakia and the Mongolian People's Republic during the normalization process. The work is focused on the transformation of relations between both countries from the Prague Spring period to the revocation of Yumjaagiin Tsedenbal in 1984. The remaining five chapters, covering the time scope of foreign policy, monitor economical relationships, ideological and cultural section of Czechoslovak-Mongolian relations during the normalization process. The content of the thesis draws chiefly primary sources: government delegations, period articles, official reports, cultural campaigns and other archival material. Thanks to these sources it was possible to authentically describe relations of both countries
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Oil as a diplomatic weapon: the strategies and politics of breaking dependency on energy needs by middle level developing countries with technological capacityCalela-Rodrigues, Jose Julio January 1997 (has links)
A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Arts, University of the
Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in fulfilment of the requirements for the
degree of Master of Arts. Johannesburg, 1997. / Faced with the potential threat of oil embargoes imposed by
producer countries for political reasons, the consumer countries
reacted by creating different alternatives which granted them some
energy independence and security of supply by using alternative
products and technologies available in their own countrles,
Can a middle level developing country break out of the cycle of
dependency in the area of energy?
This dissertation investigates the strategy developed and
implemented by South Africa between 1973 and 1993, which
invested heavily in the generation of fuel extracted from coal in order
to rescue its country from crisis and support it through critical periods
of history. / AC2017
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