Made available in DSpace on 2014-11-10T11:09:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2014-02-04Bitstream added on 2014-11-10T11:58:35Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 000794378.pdf: 978931 bytes, checksum: 5accaa90b5129117608dbcd3dece21a0 (MD5) / O objetivo deste trabalho foi demonstrar a influência da teoria da dependência nas Ciências Sociais, especialmente no pós 1964, particularmente as teses de Fernando Henrique Cardoso e Ruy Mauro Marini que, de maneiras distintas, apresentaram os problemas inerentes ao capitalismo dependente brasileiro, cada qual apontando categorias diversas, como forma de se pensar a superação ou no mínimo uma solução para os problemas advindos dessa forma específica de subordinação. Além de apresentar as ideias principais dos autores, também foram expostas as diversas análises que pesquisadores, das mais diversas áreas do conhecimento – a partir das alternativas que Cardoso e Marini propuseram para a solução da dependência brasileira – discutiram, avaliaram e opinaram sobre as contribuições dos autores para a compreensão dos problemas econômico-políticos da subalternidade brasileira. A partir da hipótese de que foi a tese de Cardoso que mais teve influência nas Ciências Sociais propondo um desenvolvimento brasileiro associado-dependente, foram expostos os motivos pelos quais, a possível predominância desse pensamento obstaculizou o debate acerca da teoria da dependência, fazendo com que, durante anos, houvesse a divulgação de uma espécie de “pensamento único”, aceito como inquestionável, e que fez com que as teses de Marini fossem mal compreendidas ou no mínimo ficassem em segundo plano. A partir disso, os pesquisadores e comentadores dessas obras passaram a ter grande importância nesta pesquisa, posto que apresentaram as razões pelas quais não teria havido, no Brasil, um debate acerca dos autores dependentistas marxistas – Ruy Mauro Marini, Theotônio dos Santos e Vânia Bambirra – expondo as razões históricas do “não-debate”. Além disso, foram expostas as críticas de Fernando Henrique Cardoso e José Serra a Ruy Mauro Marini, bem como a defesa do último, que até o ano 2000 não havia sido publicada... / The aim of this study was to demonstrate the influence of dependency theory in the social sciences, especially after 1964, particularly theses Cardoso and Ruy Mauro Marini that, in different ways, presented the problems inherent to the Brazilian dependent capitalism, each pointing various categories as a way of thinking to overcome or at least a solution to the problems created by this particular form of subordination. Besides presenting the main ideas of the authors , the various analyzes that researchers from various fields of knowledge were also exposed - from the alternatives that Cardoso and Marini proposed for the solution of the Brazilian dependency - discussed, evaluated and commented on draft contributions authors to understand the economic and political problems of the Brazilian inferiority. From the assumption that was the thesis that Cardoso had more influence in the Social Sciences proposing an associated -dependent Brazilian development, the reasons for the predominance of this thinking can be hampered the debate about dependency theory were exposed, making for years, there was the release of a kind of single thought, accepted as unquestionable, which made Marini’s theses being misunderstood or at least staying in the background. From this, the researchers and commentators, these works have gained great importance in this research, since it showed the reasons why there would have been, in Brazil, a debate about authors dependent Marxists - Ruy Mauro Marini, Theotônio dos Santos and Vania Bambirra - exposing the historical reasons for this non-debate. Moreover, the criticism of Fernando Henrique Cardoso and José Serra to Ruy Mauro Marini, as well as the defense of the latter, which until 2000 had not been published in Brazil were exposed. Thus, with the exposition of ideas of Cardoso and Marini was understood that the predominance of the theses of the first studies on...

The process of globalisation has had a large impact on the world economy over the past three decades. Economic globalisation has manifested itself in the increasing integration of goods and services through international trade and the integration of financial markets. As a consequence the existence of co-movements in economic variables of different countries has become more evident. The extent to which globalisation causes a country’s economy to move together with the rest of the world concerns policy-makers. When such co-movement is significant, the influence of policy-makers on their respective domestic economies is significantly reduced. South Africa re-entered the international economy in the early 1990s when the forces of globalisation, especially for developing countries, seemed to gain momentum. Empirical research such as Kabundi and Loots (2005) found strong evidence of international co-movement between the world business cycle and the South African business cycle, particularly following South Africa’s integration into the global economy. This study examines the relationship and interdependence between South Africa and four of its major developed trading partners. More particularly, the study examines the question of whether business cycles are transmitted from Germany, Japan, US and UK to South Africa, and/or from South Africa to Germany, Japan, the US and UK. The study employs structural vector autoregressive (SVARs) models to analyse monthly data from 1980:01–2008:04 on industrial production, producer prices, short-term interest rates and real effective exchange rates. The results show that South Africa benefits from economic growth in both the UK and US. They also indicate significant price transmission from Germany and Japan to South Africa, with transmission in the opposite direction being statistically insignificant. The impulse response graphs show that a positive one standard deviation shock to both German and Japanese producer prices has a negative impact on South African output (industrial production) growth. Furthermore, South African monetary policy is relatively unresponsive to international monetary policy stances. The findings of this study indicate that South African policymakers need to take into consideration economic performance of the country’s major trading partners, with particular emphasis on the UK and US economies.

Submitted by Alison Vanceto (alison-vanceto@hotmail.com) on 2017-02-10T13:30:02Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DissFLM.pdf: 5376429 bytes, checksum: 2742a38c2aca7601da50408ac6deb2d2 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ronildo Prado (ronisp@ufscar.br) on 2017-03-16T20:20:23Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissFLM.pdf: 5376429 bytes, checksum: 2742a38c2aca7601da50408ac6deb2d2 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ronildo Prado (ronisp@ufscar.br) on 2017-03-16T20:20:31Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissFLM.pdf: 5376429 bytes, checksum: 2742a38c2aca7601da50408ac6deb2d2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-16T20:26:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DissFLM.pdf: 5376429 bytes, checksum: 2742a38c2aca7601da50408ac6deb2d2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-10-21 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / This research discusses data that was collected at a ethnography in cultural collectives of the Fora do Eixo network situated in cities of the heartland of São Paulo. These collectives are called Fuligem (city of Ribeirão Preto), CECAC (Serrana) and Usiarte (Sertãozinho). The main objective of the research is to describe and to point reflections about the economic dimensions that are brought about by the relations of these collectives between themselves and with agentes who does not belong to the Fora do Eixo network. These agents are know as partners and contributors. For the description of these practices considered as economics, is essential the analysis of a native concept know as collaborative economy. This concept is elaborated and operated by these collectives with different intensities, shades and reaches. On the one hand, I describe how the codes that refer to the collaborative economy are operated and stimulated by the exchanges between the collectives, and on the other hand, I expose how the are theorized in the network instance. I seek to do this with the data collected in reunions, meetings and congresses of collectives that are part of Fora do Eixo network. In this way, the research chooses to ethnographically describe the collectives working as resonance centers of related codes of collaborative economy. These codes are propagated and operated by the collectives throught the so-called tolls and simulacra. Based on the analysis of a simulacra called Fora do Eixo Bank and the tolls called collective house, the collective register and a own currency of Fora do Eixo called card, the research seeks to investigate how the collaborative economy is propagated and operated by the collectives. / Esta pesquisa discute dados coletados em uma etnografia realizada em coletivos culturais da rede Fora do Eixo no interior de São Paulo, sendo eles intitulados Fuligem (cidade de Ribeirão Preto), CECAC (Serrana) e Usiarte (Sertãozinho). O objetivo principal da abordagem é descrever e apontar reflexões sobre as dimensões econômicas trazidas pelas relações desses coletivos entre si e com agentes que não fazem parte da rede Fora do Eixo, estes conhecidos como colaboradores e parceiros. Para a descrição dessas práticas tidas como econômicas, é fundamental a análise de um conceito nativo chamado economia colaborativa, sendo ele elaborado, acionado e operado por esses coletivos sob diferentes intensidades, tonalidades e alcances. Por um lado, descrevo como os códigos referentes à economia colaborativa são operados e estimulados pelas trocas entre os coletivos abordados e, por outro, exponho como são teorizados na instância da rede ao etnografar reuniões, encontros e congressos do Fora do Eixo. Dessa forma, a pesquisa opta por descrever etnograficamente os coletivos atuando como centros de ressonância de códigos referentes à economia colaborativa, estes propagados e operados pelos coletivos com base nas chamadas ferramentas e simulacros. Com base na análise do simulacro Banco Fora do Eixo e da casa coletiva, caixa coletivo e uma moeda própria do Fora do Eixo denominada card, a pesquisa busca averiguar como a economia colaborativa é propagada e operada pelos coletivos abordados. / FAPESP: 2014/15092-0

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:24:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2006-07-04Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:30:34Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 britto_df_me_bauru.pdf: 1281735 bytes, checksum: 1769f05fb262f470f61b94486b6c0e73 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Este trabalho busca identificar a influência das relações econômicas de mercado na produção jornalística, verificando como cada reportagem, incluindo os aspectos verbal e não-verbal, forma representações cujos sentidos favorecem o consumo de mercadorias. Para isso, analisamos as matérias de saúde e beleza da revista Veja sob o enfoque da Análise do Discurso, verificando, a partir do processo ideológico, o apagamento dos limites entre essas duas editorais / This research tries to identify the influence of market economic relations in journalism production, studying how each report, including the verbal and non-verbal aspects, shapes representations of which meanings favor the consumption of commodities. So, we analyze the health and beauty articles from Veja magazine under the focus of Discourse Analysis, verifying, from the ideological process, the erasing of the limits between these twoo themes

O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz / Banca: Rafael Antônio Duarte Villa / Banca: Flávia de Campos Mello / Resumo: Este trabalho tem como objetivo central examinar e problematizar a reflexão sobre o relacionamento entre a Organização Mundial do Comércio e, seu principal arquiteto, os Estados Unidos, à luz de diferentes teorias das Relações Internacionais e de considerações em torno do debate doméstico sobre a OMC nesse país. Observamos a relação entre os EUA e a OMC tanto no que concerne o plano das negociações comerciais multilaterais, como também, no que se refere à dimensão do Órgão de Solução de Controvérsias, tentando estabelecer paralelos com as dificuldades de negociação no âmbito da Rodada Doha. Historicamente, os EUA dominaram os resultados das negociações comerciais multilaterais, prevalecendo na determinação do conteúdo das regras da OMC, assim como, na definição de suas principais características: uma ampla cobertura temática e a presença de um mecanismo judicial que está entre as formas mais avançadas de direito internacional da atualidade. Contudo, estudos indicam que, no plano das negociações comerciais, devido a alterações na economia mundial, a tradicional influência norte-americana foi sendo reduzida ao longo do tempo, apresentando implicações importantes para o processo de produção de regras da organização. Além disso, autores sugerem que a reforma do OSC melhorou o posicionamento das partes demandantes das disputas, mesmo quando essas partes estavam iniciando casos contra os EUA, restringindo assim a capacidade desse Estado de determinar os resultados das disputas e de descumprir seus compromissos internacionais no campo do comércio. Os interesses norte-americanos estão largamente refletidos na OMC e, embora esse seja o traço mais forte a definir o relacionamento entre os EUA e essa instituição, ele não é o único. A interação entre a OMC e os interesses dos EUA parece mais complexa do que alguns teóricos das relações internacionais argumentaram / Abstract: The main purpose of this work is to examine and discuss the reflection on the relationship between the World Trade Organization and, its principal architect, the United States, in light of different theories of International Relations and of considerations over the domestic debate on the WTO in this country. We observed the relationship between the U.S. and the WTO both in respect to the multilateral trade negotiations and with regard to the Dispute Settlement Body, trying to draw parallels with the current difficulties in negotiating the Doha Round. Historically, the U.S. has dominated the results of multilateral trade negotiations, prevailed in the determination of the rules of the WTO and, consequently, in the definition of its main features: a broad coverage and the presence of a judicial mechanism that is among the most advanced forms of international law today. Nevertheless, concerning the multilateral trade negotiations, studies point out that, due to changes in the global economy, U.S.'s influence in this area has been reduced over time, with significant implications for the rule-making process of the organization. Besides that, some authors argue that the reform of the DSB has improved the positioning of plaintiffs in disputes, even when they were starting cases against the U.S. and thus restricted U.S.'s ability to determine the outcome of disputes and disregard its international commitments in the field of trade. U.S.'s interests are largely reflected in the WTO and, although this is the strongest characteristic applied in order to describe the relationship between the U.S. and this institution, this is not the only one. The interaction between the WTO and the U.S's interests may actually be more complex than some International Relations scholars have argued / Mestre

O objetivo primário desta tese é identificar como as empresas multinacionais (EMNs) agem como negociadoras nas relações econômicas internacionais (REI). A hipótese geral a ser verificada é de que as EMNs buscam influenciar os Estados e suas coalizões utilizando-se de seu poder estrutural e de seu poder brando, nacional e transnacionalmente, de modo a afetar os interesses dos Estados e de suas coalizões. A efetividade da defesa de seus interesses depende, basicamente, da confluência dos interesses dos Estados e das empresas e da vulnerabilidade dos Estados em relação às atividades das empresas bem como a capacidade relativa das coalizões que as empresas buscam influenciar. Dentro desse contexto, na parte I deste trabalho, proponho uma breve discussão sobre o papel das EMNs nas Relações Econômicas Internacionais contemporâneas, identificando quatro grandes cortes teóricos: Marxismo, incluindo vertentes neo-marxistas como a Teoria da Dependência e o Sistema Mundial Moderno; Neo-Realismo, incluindo a Teoria da Estabilidade Hegemônica, o Neoliberalismo, incluindo a Interdependência Complexa e; a visão delineada por Susan Strange. Como conclusão desta discussão, justifico o meu corte teórico fundamentalmente ligado à interdependência complexa e ao xadrez de três níveis de Nye (Neoliberalismo), pelo seu desenho teórico que permite ver a ação das EMNs como independente e não submissa à ação dos Estados, ao mesmo tempo que aceita a centralidade da ação dos Estados na regulação do sistema econômico internacional. Em seguida, reconheço a limitação do poder de influência das EMNs através de uma extensão do modelo Frieden-Rogowsky, onde proponho que; (a) os setores prejudicados pelo processo de internacionalização tendem, tanto em nível nacional quanto em nível transnacional, a se opor a ações políticas das EMNs e; (b) regimes autoritários tendem a ser menos vulneráveis em relação à ação política das EMNs. Finalmente, na Parte II, realizamos dois estudos de caso relativos ao nosso modelo de negociações de empresas EMNs no contexto da política internacional: as negociações sobre o estabelecimento de um regime de propriedade intelectual no contexto da Rodada Uruguai do GATT (General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade) e o Protocolo de Cartagena de Biosegurança , instrumento complementar à Convenção de Biodiversidade (CBD) que regulamenta os organismos geneticamente modificados (OGMs). Uma importante conclusão da tese é que a influência das EMNs nas negociações econômicas internacionais depende largamente das estruturas dos processos de negociação, onde fóruns multilaterais e multitemáticos tendem a favorecer a influência das EMNs em comparação a fóruns monotemáticos. Outra importante contribuição teórica foi explicar as circunstâncias em que as EMNs operam como negociadores das REI, através da influência, se utilizando de poder estrutural e brando, buscando formar coalizões transnacionais e buscando incentivar a formação de coalizões entre Estados que defendam os seus interesses em contextos intergovernamentais. Ou seja, este trabalho explica um pouco da dinâmica da relação do chamado terceiro xadrez (transnacioal) com o segundo xadrez (econômico) das relações internacionais. / The main objective of this thesis is to identify how the multinational companies (MNCs) act as negotiators in the international economic relations (IER). The main hypothesis is that the MNCs try to influence the States and their coalitions, nationally and transnationally, through its structural power as well as its soft power. The defense of their corporate interests depends on the confluence of their interests with those of the states as well as the state\'s vulnerabilities to the corporations activities. Moreover, the MNCs should be able to influence the strongest state\'s coalition in the multilateral process of negotiation. In the first part of this work I propose a brief discussion of the role of the MNCs in the contemporary IER through four theoretical cuts: Marxism, including neo-marxists theories such as the Dependency Theory and the Modern Wold System; Neorealism, including the Hegemonic Stability Theory; neoliberalism, including the Complex Interdependence and; the Susan Strange\'s approach. As a conclusion of this part I justify my theoretical preference related to the Complex Interdependence and the three level chessboard of Nye (Neoliberalism) since its allows us to understand the MNCs preferences as independent of those of the states. At the same time, these models recognize that states still play a central role in the regulation of the international economic system. I recognize the limitations of the MNCs influence power through an extension of the Frieden-Rogowsky model, where I propose that: (a) the sectors damaged by the process of internationalization tend, nationally and transnationally, to oppose to the political actions of the MNCs and; (b) authoritarian regimes tend to be less vulnerable to the political actions of the MNCs. The part II of the thesis shows the role of MNCs in two case studies: the negotiations that led to the creation of an international regime of intellectual property in the Uruguay Round of GATT (General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade) and the negotiations of the Cartagena Protocol of Biosafety, a complementary instrument of the Biodiversity Convention (CBD), which regulates the genetically modified organisms (GMOs). An important conclusion of this thesis is that influence of the MNCs depends on the structure of the negotiation process. Multilateral and multi-issues processes tend to increase their influence in comparison to single-issue negotiations. Another important theoretical contribution was to explain under which circumstances the MNCs are able to act as negotiators in the IRE, through influence, utilizing its structural and soft powers, by forming transnational coalitions and by helping the formation of state\'s coalitions willing to defend their interests in intergovernamental negotiation processes. Therefore, this work partially explains the relationship between the third chessboard (transnational) and the second chessboard (economics) of international relations.

This study is a contribution to the on-going debate about the path that Africa has taken in realising the vision of its renewal. The central theme of the study is the idea of Africa's 'new partnership' with the industrialised North, which is envisaged under the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD). Acknowledging that asymmetrical partnerships have existed between Africa and the North, particularly in the last century, the question this study poses is: to what extent does the idea of the 'new partnership' represent something new? The study argues two points. Firstly, it argues that the idea of the new partnership has become a terrain of contestation between the Africanist and the post-modernist social forces. Secondly, the study argues that it is unlikely that conceptualising the idea of the new partnership in post-modernist terms will result in sustainable development and rebirth of Africa. That is particularly the case, because post-modernity suggests a certain degree of loyalty to the prevailing and asymmetrical global order. Against this background, the study concludes that the extent to which Africa will enjoy the benefits of a truly revised partnership with the North, and thus fulfil the vision of its rebirth, will be determined, by and large, by the modalities of accommodation and struggle between these social forces.

The international linkages of stock markets have important implications for cost of capital and portfolio diversification. Recent trends in globalization, financial liberalization and financial innovation raises questions with regard to whether African stock markets are being integrated into world equity markets. This study examines the extent to which the South African (SA) equity market is integrated into the world equity markets using daily data for the period 1995-2007. The study is divided into three main parts, each looking at the different ways in which integration can be considered. The first investigates whether there is long run comovement between the SA and the major global equity markets. Both bivariate and multivariate Johansen (1988) and Johansen and Juselius (1990) cointegration approaches were utilised. Vector Error Correction Models (VECMs) are then estimated for portfolios which show evidence of cointegration. The second part analyses returns linkages using the Vector Autoregressive (VAR), block exogeneity, impulse response and variance decomposition. The third part examines the behaviour of volatility and volatility linkages among the stock markets. Firstly volatility is analysed using the GARCH, EGARCH and GJR GARCH. Simultaneously, the hypothesis that investors receive a premium for investing in more risky stock markets is explored using the GARCH-in mean. The long term trend of volatility is also examined. Volatility linkages are then analysed using the VAR, block exogeneity, impulse response and variance decomposition. The first part established that no bivariate cointegration exists between the SA and any of the stock markets being studied, implying that pairwise portfolio diversification is potentially worthwhile for SA portfolio managers. However, multivariate cointegration exists for some portfolios, with the US, UK, Germany and SA showing evidence of error correction for some of these portfolios. Findings on return linkages is that there are significant returns linkages among the markets, with the US and SA being the most exogenous and most endogenous respectively. Findings regarding volatility are that the volatility in all the markets is inherently asymmetric and that except for the US there is no risk premium in any of the markets. The long term trend of volatility in all the stock markets was found to be relatively stable. The final finding was that significant volatility linkages exist among the markets, with the US being the most exogenous and SA and China showing evidence of bidirectional linkages. Overall, except for volatility linkages, the integration of SA into the global equity markets is still quite low. Thus, both SA and international investors can capitalise on this portfolio diversification potential. On the other hand, policy makers should capitalise on this and make policies that will attract the much needed foreign investors.

The identification of financial stress, and an understanding of financial contagion on a global scale, is of critical importance to a South African economy that is becoming increasingly integrated into the global economy. The last decade has been characterised by periods of high economic growth, but also periods of significant financial instability culminating in global economic crises. This study examines the extent to which the South African financial system is exposed to distress abroad by identifying and measuring the co-movement of financial stress originating from within and outside South Africa. The study can be separated into two sections: the identification of financial stress and the measurement of financial contagion. Using monthly data for the period 2000 to 2012, three indices were constructed for the emerging markets, advanced economies and South Africa using varianceequal weighting. The indices were tested for contagion using the Johansen and Jesulius (1990) multivariate cointegration approach supplemented with basic OLS architecture and Impulse Response analysis. The results indicate the three constructed indices were highly accurate at identifying the intensity and timing of financial stress over the three regions respectively. It was found that the South African financial sector is highly susceptible to financial stress originating from advanced economies. The results obtained for financial stress emanating from emerging markets were not as conclusive and found to be insignificant. Overall, it is clear that the methods employed to identify financial stress are highly accurate and that South Africa is highly susceptible to financial stress originating from abroad. It is clear that advanced economies have a greater ability to affect financial stress in South Africa via contagion. It must be noted that this does not conclude that South Africa is not affected by emerging market crises, but that these crises tend to affect South Africa through advanced economy channels as defined within this thesis.

The international financial environment has become riskier due to the recent developments in product offerings and failure of regulation to keep abreast with these changes. The Global Financial Crisis exposed inadequacies of regulation, thus consensus on the need for comprehensive and uniform regulation was made by G-20 member states. Imposing exchange trading, clearing, reporting and capital requirements on the derivatives market are some of the ways of dealing with the problems caused by lax regulatory oversight. In this study, through the comparative analysis of derivatives regulation in South Africa, Brazil, India and Turkey, it was established that emerging countries are taking active steps to implement the G-20 agreement. Uniformity in the core rules was noted, with differences in the supportive legislation. Country specific rules which support the macroeconomic factors that are faced by these countries and the infrastructure available for regulatory execution are used amongst countries. The study concluded that current regulation in emerging countries is accommodative and regulatory differences are in line with economic factors in each country.