Notre recherche a pour objet la migration pour études et plus précisément l’expérience de retour et du non-retour des diplômés guinéens formés au Canada. Elle repose sur une démarche qualitative. Prenant appui sur des matériaux discursifs issus d’entrevues individuelles dans deux sites (en Guinée et au Canada), auprès d’un échantillon de trente et un diplômés, notre étude s’est attachée, dans un premier temps, à faire ressortir les motivations des étudiants à « retourner au pays » à la fin de leurs études au Canada ou, à l’inverse, à demeurer dans le pays d’accueil. Dans une seconde phase, la recherche s'est intéressée au devenir des enquêtés après leurs études et en particulier à l’insertion ou réinsertion sociale, familiale et professionnelle des diplômés retournés en Guinée ou installés au Canada. Enfin, notre étude examine les perspectives d’avenir de l’ensemble de nos répondants; leurs satisfactions et frustrations après le retour en Guinée ou l’installation au Canada, le bilan qu’ils tirent de leur expérience de migration pour études mais aussi les perspectives de retour éventuelles et les liens que ceux qui sont restés entretiennent avec leur pays d’origine. Pour les diplômés retournés en Guinée, l’analyse des données montre que les « perspectives d’emploi et de promotion » ont joué un rôle central dans leur décision de rentrer. Ils sont également nombreux a déclaré avoir choisi le retour pour des raisons familiales. Certains justifient aussi leur retour par « la volonté de servir le pays ». Si l’insertion familiale a été facile pour la plupart des diplômés retournés en Guinée, la réinsertion sociale, le retour à des pratiques sociales et à un environnement précaire « qu’ils avaient oublié » semble en revanche avoir été moins aisé. Sur le plan professionnel, le séjour canadien est perçu comme ayant eu un impact très positif sur leur carrière. Les diplômes canadiens semblent très valorisés en Guinée et les réseaux canadiens que les diplômés ont pu établir lors de leur séjour sont aussi très utiles. La possibilité de trouver un emploi décent au Canada domine également le discours des répondants qui ont choisi de demeurer au pays d’accueil après leur formation. Les répondants ayant choisi de demeurer au Canada évoquent également fréquemment l’idée de « sacrifier » leur retour au profit de « l’avenir » des enfants. La politique de l’immigration canadienne par « l’incitation » de demeurer au Canada après les études ont aussi influencé certains diplômés dans leurs décisions de ne pas retourner. Même s’ils évoquent fréquemment l’emploi pour justifier leur installation au Canada, nos répondants restés au Canada ne trouvent pas facilement un travail qui correspond à leur formation et doivent souvent se contenter de « petits boulots ». Plusieurs pointent du doigt le «bilinguisme» et la «discrimination» en milieu de travail comme obstacles majeurs. Enfin, pour bon nombre d’entre eux le « retour au pays » est une perspective jamais écartée, la plupart n’ont jamais coupé le lien avec leur pays d’origine et plusieurs tiennent à faire connaître la culture guinéenne à leurs enfants. / The present study deals with the phenomenon of migration for educational purposes. Based on a qualitative approach, it specifically looks at the experience of Guinean graduates, educated in Canada, both those that have returned home and those that chose to stay in the host country. Using discursive materials gathered through individual interviews carried out in both Guinea and Canada, the sample includes 31 graduates. The thrust of the study is threefold. It seeks, first, to identify the main motivations for Guinean graduates in their decision to “return home” or stay in the host country at the end of their studies. The second aim is to enquire about the future of the graduates, particularly their social, family and professional integration or re-integration back home or in Canada. Finally, the study examines the future prospects of the sampled graduates: their satisfaction or lack thereof with their current situations, their retrospective view about the experience of migration for studies, the prospects of eventual return back home for those who stayed in the host country, as well as the linkages they have maintained with their home country. In the case of those who returned home, the study shows that “employment and promotion prospects” had played a central motivating role in their decision to return. Family considerations constituted the main motivation for some, while others cited their “resolve to serve the home country”, as the main incentive for their return. If family reintegration was easy for most of them, re-adaptation to certain social practices “they had forgotten” seems to have been less smooth. On the professional front, it appears that their Canadian training had a positive impact on their careers, as the reputation of Canadian certificates seems quite valuable in Guinea. Also, the professional networks established during their stay in Canada seem to be useful to many. For those who remained in Canada, the possibility of finding a decent job seems to be the main incentive for staying. They often cite the opportunity that Canada offers for a “better future” for their kids as one reason for their decision to stay, which they consider as a worthy “sacrifice”. Another important motivation is the Canadian immigration policy, which encourages graduates to remain in the country. But while they often cite employment opportunities in Canada to justify their decision to stay, they do not, in most cases, get an appropriate employment in line with their qualifications. Thus, they generally end up taking up “petty jobs”. Many blame “discrimination” and their poor or non-existent “English” for this situation, given Canada’s bilingualism. Finally, however, the majority of them still do not exclude “returning home” one day, and they have not severed links with the home country. In fact, most of them strive to raise their kids in a way that would not detach them from Guinean cultures and customs.

La légitimité des écoles privées fondées sur un projet religieux ou spirituel fait l’objet de débats épineux tant au Québec qu’ailleurs, depuis plusieurs années (chapitre 1). À la différence des nombreux travaux normatifs déjà produits sur ces questions, cette thèse propose une contribution empirique sur la réalité de certaines de ces écoles à Montréal. Notre objectif général consiste donc à comprendre comment la dimension religieuse ou spirituelle d'écoles privées de groupes ou courants minoritaires (juives, musulmanes, Steiner) se traduit dans les discours et pratiques de l'école. La mise en lien d’écoles abritant des projets éducatifs minoritaires de différentes natures vise par ailleurs à poser un regard plus large sur l’identité, ethnique ou religieuse. Après avoir analysé les trois écoles, nous examinons les différences ou convergences significatives entre elles. Puis, nous tentons de mieux comprendre comment leurs discours et leurs pratiques nous renseignent sur les attentes parallèles relatives à l’éducation en contexte libéral. Nous portons alors attention (chapitre 2) aux interactions entre le curriculum « séculier » et une perspective religieuse ou spirituelle, à la conception de l'autonomie dans la scolarisation, à la formation du citoyen et à la hiérarchisation des valeurs éducatives. En nous inspirant entre autres de Juteau (1999), nous considérons ces écoles comme des « communautés » éducatives. Notre démarche méthodologique (chapitre 3), d’inspiration ethnographique, s’articule autour d'observations participantes en 5e et en 6e année du primaire et en 1re et 2e année du secondaire (environ 3 jours par classe) et à plus de 45 entrevues, menées auprès des enseignants, des directions d’école et des parents d’élèves. Même si notre dispositif ne consiste pas à faire « émerger » une théorie, nous nous inspirons de la méthode de la « théorisation ancrée » pour analyser nos données. Le premier chapitre d’analyse (chapitre 4) illustre d’abord un cas relativement « pur » de communalisation, puisque l’école Steiner produit du spirituel sans forcément se situer dans un rapport de force avec d’autres groupes sociaux. Cela reflète donc comment une lignée identitaire peut être construite grâce à l’enracinement dans une tradition et une mémoire « créées» par l’école. L’école musulmane (chapitre 5) adapte plutôt les références associées à la religion de manière à constituer un « pont » entre la socialisation primaire et celle de la société d’accueil. On constate en effet que la direction et les enseignants de l’école ne réinventent pas la lignée croyante, mais ne la reproduisent pas non plus à l’identique. En ce qui concerne l’école juive (chapitre 6), elle permet surtout d’attester une communauté ethnoreligieuse extérieure. La tradition juive enseignée à l’école, souvent qualifiée de « traditionalisme non religieux » par les acteurs scolaires, présente donc peu de réinterprétations ou de transformations dans ce contexte scolaire. Un dernier chapitre d’analyse (chapitre 7), abordant les trois écoles dans une perspective comparative, met notamment en perspective comment ces trois institutions transmettent une culture identitaire et un style de vie débordant le cadre scolaire, qui englobent les croyances religieuses et/ou spirituelles, mais ne s’y réduisent pas. / For several years now, the legitimacy of private schools founded on religious or spiritual projects have been the object of thorny debates both in Quebec and elsewhere (Chapter 1). Unlike a number of normative studies already produced on this topic, this thesis presents an empirical contribution to understanding the reality of some such schools in Montreal. Our general objective consists of appreciating how the religious or spiritual dimensions of private schools specific to minority groups or social currents (Jewish, Muslim, Waldorf) are transferred into discourse and practices within the schools. Exploring schools that protect the educational projects of diverse minorities, this study opens a broader window onto ethnic and religious identities. Here, I examine meaningful differences and similarities between three such schools. This is followed by an attempt to understand what discourse and practices within these schools tell us about common expectations with relation to education in a liberal context. I therefore pay attention (in Chapter 2), to interactions between the “secular” curriculum and a religious or spiritual perspective, as well as to the notion of autonomy in schooling, to citizenship training, and to the prioritization of educational values. Much like Juteau (1999), among others, I find these schools to be educational “communities”. My methodological approach (Chapter 3), with an ethnographic orientation, draws on participant observation carried out in Grades 5 and 6 primary school classrooms, as well as in Years 1 and 2 secondary classrooms (approximately 3 days in each class). It also involves more than 45 interviews, carried out with teachers, school administrators, and the parents of students. Even though my approach does not involve identifying a relevant theory, I am nevertheless guided by the method of “grounded theory” as a means of analysing my data. The first analytical chapter (Chapter 4), illustrates a more or less “ideal type” of communialization, given that the Waldorf school focuses on spiritual work without necessarily situating itself with relation to other social groups. This reflects how an identity distinction can be constructed through rooting oneself in a tradition and in a memory “created” by the school. Meanwhile, the Muslim school (Chapter 5) adapts references associated with the religion in an attempt to constitute a “bridge” between primary socialization and that of the host society. I argue that while the administration and the teachers of the school do not reinvent a belief system, they do not entirely reproduce an identical system from elsewhere either. With regards to the Jewish case (Chapter 6), most notably the school fosters the externalization of an ethno-religious community. The Jewish tradition being taught at school is often described as “non-religious traditionalism” by school officials, and therefore presents few re-interpretations or transformations of the tradition in the context of the school. A last analytical chapter (Chapter 7) addresses the three schools in comparative scope, in order to put into perspective how these institutions transmit identitary cultures and lifestyles that exceed the framework of any of the schools, which encompass religious and/or spiritual beliefs without being reduced to these.

Informed by institutional ethnography, and taking the problematic from disjunctures in teacher/participants’ experience between actual practice and official policy, this study is an intertextual analysis of print/electronic documents pertaining to students ‘at risk.’ It unpacks the Student Success Strategy in Ontario secondary schools as organized around discourses on risk and safety. Discriminatory classing and racializing processes construct students ‘at risk’ in ways that reproduce socio-economic inequities through premature streaming into pathways geared to post-secondary destinations: university, college, apprenticeship and work. This study questions the accounting logic that reduces education to skills training in workplace literacy/numeracy, and contradicts the official ‘success’ story that promotes Ontario as a model of large-scale educational change. The follow-up intertextual analyses reveal ideological circles that promote ‘evidence-based research’ and ‘evidence-informed practice,’ while actually gearing education to improving ‘results’ on large-scale standardized tests and manufacturing consent for government policies. Questions arise about the lack of transparency and selective use of educational research. A web of behind-the-scenes activities are made visible at public policy think-tanks (e.g. Canadian Council on Learning; Canadian Language and Literacy Research Network), and two little-researched bodies in educational governance — the Council of Ministers of Education Canada (CMEC) and OECD. Although invisible to teachers, the infrastructure for the Student Success Strategy is the Ontario School Information System (OnSIS); this web-enabled data-management technology has built-in capacity to profile students ‘at risk’ and to instigate accountability and surveillance over teachers’ work, with implications for re-regulating teaching practice towards test scores and aggregate statistics. With the intention of transforming education towards genuine equity, and linking the re-organization of social relations in large-scale reform locally, nationally and globally, this study contributes to critical scholarship on the effects of reform policies on people’s lives and extends knowledge of how translocal text-mediated ruling relations operate in education.

Informed by institutional ethnography, and taking the problematic from disjunctures in teacher/participants’ experience between actual practice and official policy, this study is an intertextual analysis of print/electronic documents pertaining to students ‘at risk.’ It unpacks the Student Success Strategy in Ontario secondary schools as organized around discourses on risk and safety. Discriminatory classing and racializing processes construct students ‘at risk’ in ways that reproduce socio-economic inequities through premature streaming into pathways geared to post-secondary destinations: university, college, apprenticeship and work. This study questions the accounting logic that reduces education to skills training in workplace literacy/numeracy, and contradicts the official ‘success’ story that promotes Ontario as a model of large-scale educational change. The follow-up intertextual analyses reveal ideological circles that promote ‘evidence-based research’ and ‘evidence-informed practice,’ while actually gearing education to improving ‘results’ on large-scale standardized tests and manufacturing consent for government policies. Questions arise about the lack of transparency and selective use of educational research. A web of behind-the-scenes activities are made visible at public policy think-tanks (e.g. Canadian Council on Learning; Canadian Language and Literacy Research Network), and two little-researched bodies in educational governance — the Council of Ministers of Education Canada (CMEC) and OECD. Although invisible to teachers, the infrastructure for the Student Success Strategy is the Ontario School Information System (OnSIS); this web-enabled data-management technology has built-in capacity to profile students ‘at risk’ and to instigate accountability and surveillance over teachers’ work, with implications for re-regulating teaching practice towards test scores and aggregate statistics. With the intention of transforming education towards genuine equity, and linking the re-organization of social relations in large-scale reform locally, nationally and globally, this study contributes to critical scholarship on the effects of reform policies on people’s lives and extends knowledge of how translocal text-mediated ruling relations operate in education.

Educational activity preceded official British presence in New Zealand. The development of the New Zealand state from crown colony, to a system of relatively autonomous provincial councils, to a centralized administration took place within a period of four decades. Co-terminous with and essential to the state's progressive securing of its authority was the institutionalization of separate national systems of education for Maori and Pakeha. Whilst the ascendancy of the state and the securing of education as a central state concern proceeded ultimately with the sanction of the state and in accordance with its objectives it was not a straight forward process in a young nation which was born democratic, but was struggling to consolidate political and cultural unity. The various stages and the ultimate form that education in New Zealand took were closely linked to shifts in the nature and role of the state in its formative years, in the nature of its relationship with civil society, and in its official relationship with Maori. This provided the context and dynamic of the shift to state control as public schooling came to dominate over private or voluntary efforts, and as the particularism of isolated provincial settlements was replaced by a system designed to serve the nation as a whole. Positing conceptual links between the development of national education and the processes of state formation and nation building in a colonizing context, this thesis argues that the institutionally differentiated form that universal education took in New Zealand produced a site through which socially, culturally and ideologically determined conceptions of “normality” would be legitimated and become hegemonic. By nationalizing education to legitimate a culture of uniformity based on a specific set of norms, individual New Zealanders were differentially created according to class, gender and ethnicity, and to physical, intellectual, behavioural and sensory functioning.

Educational activity preceded official British presence in New Zealand. The development of the New Zealand state from crown colony, to a system of relatively autonomous provincial councils, to a centralized administration took place within a period of four decades. Co-terminous with and essential to the state's progressive securing of its authority was the institutionalization of separate national systems of education for Maori and Pakeha. Whilst the ascendancy of the state and the securing of education as a central state concern proceeded ultimately with the sanction of the state and in accordance with its objectives it was not a straight forward process in a young nation which was born democratic, but was struggling to consolidate political and cultural unity. The various stages and the ultimate form that education in New Zealand took were closely linked to shifts in the nature and role of the state in its formative years, in the nature of its relationship with civil society, and in its official relationship with Maori. This provided the context and dynamic of the shift to state control as public schooling came to dominate over private or voluntary efforts, and as the particularism of isolated provincial settlements was replaced by a system designed to serve the nation as a whole. Positing conceptual links between the development of national education and the processes of state formation and nation building in a colonizing context, this thesis argues that the institutionally differentiated form that universal education took in New Zealand produced a site through which socially, culturally and ideologically determined conceptions of “normality” would be legitimated and become hegemonic. By nationalizing education to legitimate a culture of uniformity based on a specific set of norms, individual New Zealanders were differentially created according to class, gender and ethnicity, and to physical, intellectual, behavioural and sensory functioning.

Educational activity preceded official British presence in New Zealand. The development of the New Zealand state from crown colony, to a system of relatively autonomous provincial councils, to a centralized administration took place within a period of four decades. Co-terminous with and essential to the state's progressive securing of its authority was the institutionalization of separate national systems of education for Maori and Pakeha. Whilst the ascendancy of the state and the securing of education as a central state concern proceeded ultimately with the sanction of the state and in accordance with its objectives it was not a straight forward process in a young nation which was born democratic, but was struggling to consolidate political and cultural unity. The various stages and the ultimate form that education in New Zealand took were closely linked to shifts in the nature and role of the state in its formative years, in the nature of its relationship with civil society, and in its official relationship with Maori. This provided the context and dynamic of the shift to state control as public schooling came to dominate over private or voluntary efforts, and as the particularism of isolated provincial settlements was replaced by a system designed to serve the nation as a whole. Positing conceptual links between the development of national education and the processes of state formation and nation building in a colonizing context, this thesis argues that the institutionally differentiated form that universal education took in New Zealand produced a site through which socially, culturally and ideologically determined conceptions of “normality” would be legitimated and become hegemonic. By nationalizing education to legitimate a culture of uniformity based on a specific set of norms, individual New Zealanders were differentially created according to class, gender and ethnicity, and to physical, intellectual, behavioural and sensory functioning.

Educational activity preceded official British presence in New Zealand. The development of the New Zealand state from crown colony, to a system of relatively autonomous provincial councils, to a centralized administration took place within a period of four decades. Co-terminous with and essential to the state's progressive securing of its authority was the institutionalization of separate national systems of education for Maori and Pakeha. Whilst the ascendancy of the state and the securing of education as a central state concern proceeded ultimately with the sanction of the state and in accordance with its objectives it was not a straight forward process in a young nation which was born democratic, but was struggling to consolidate political and cultural unity. The various stages and the ultimate form that education in New Zealand took were closely linked to shifts in the nature and role of the state in its formative years, in the nature of its relationship with civil society, and in its official relationship with Maori. This provided the context and dynamic of the shift to state control as public schooling came to dominate over private or voluntary efforts, and as the particularism of isolated provincial settlements was replaced by a system designed to serve the nation as a whole. Positing conceptual links between the development of national education and the processes of state formation and nation building in a colonizing context, this thesis argues that the institutionally differentiated form that universal education took in New Zealand produced a site through which socially, culturally and ideologically determined conceptions of “normality” would be legitimated and become hegemonic. By nationalizing education to legitimate a culture of uniformity based on a specific set of norms, individual New Zealanders were differentially created according to class, gender and ethnicity, and to physical, intellectual, behavioural and sensory functioning.

Educational activity preceded official British presence in New Zealand. The development of the New Zealand state from crown colony, to a system of relatively autonomous provincial councils, to a centralized administration took place within a period of four decades. Co-terminous with and essential to the state's progressive securing of its authority was the institutionalization of separate national systems of education for Maori and Pakeha. Whilst the ascendancy of the state and the securing of education as a central state concern proceeded ultimately with the sanction of the state and in accordance with its objectives it was not a straight forward process in a young nation which was born democratic, but was struggling to consolidate political and cultural unity. The various stages and the ultimate form that education in New Zealand took were closely linked to shifts in the nature and role of the state in its formative years, in the nature of its relationship with civil society, and in its official relationship with Maori. This provided the context and dynamic of the shift to state control as public schooling came to dominate over private or voluntary efforts, and as the particularism of isolated provincial settlements was replaced by a system designed to serve the nation as a whole. Positing conceptual links between the development of national education and the processes of state formation and nation building in a colonizing context, this thesis argues that the institutionally differentiated form that universal education took in New Zealand produced a site through which socially, culturally and ideologically determined conceptions of “normality” would be legitimated and become hegemonic. By nationalizing education to legitimate a culture of uniformity based on a specific set of norms, individual New Zealanders were differentially created according to class, gender and ethnicity, and to physical, intellectual, behavioural and sensory functioning.

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