Les difficultés scolaires des jeunes Inuit du Nunavik sont une préoccupation de longue date pour les organismes de la région et pour les deux paliers de gouvernement. Ces difficultés s’inscrivent dans un ensemble de problèmes socioéconomiques avec lesquels le Nunavik est aux prises, dont une crise du logement, la pauvreté, la violence conjugale et la toxicomanie. Ces problèmes ont poussé certains chercheurs à décrire le Nunavik comme une société anomique qui, en plus d’avoir des besoins criants en termes de ressources humaines et matérielles, souffre de l’absence de normes sociales fortes et communes. Partant de cette piste de réflexion, nous avons posé la question : quel est l’impact de l’école sur les normes sociales au Nunavik ? Nous avons constaté dans la littérature une diversité de cadres d’analyse et une diversité de solutions proposées, mais peu de communications entre ces cadres. Adoptant une approche herméneutique, nous avons utilisé les trois cadres théoriques les plus importants, identifiés comme la théorie dominante (discordance culturelle), les théories alternatives (dysfonction normative/culturelle) et les théories critiques en éducation, afin d’analyser la situation du Nunavik et proposer des interventions pour pallier ces problèmes. Par la suite, nous avons comparé ces analyses afin d’en faire ressortir les complémentarités et identifier des pistes de solution pour le futur. / The academic difficulties of young Inuit in Nunavik have been a long-time preoccupation for organizations working in the region and the provincial and federal governments. These difficulties are part of a set of related socioeconomic problems facing Nunavik communities: a housing crisis, poverty, domestic violence and substance abuse are the main ones. These problems have pushed certain researchers to describe Nunavik as an anomic society which, on top of having urgent needs for more human and financial resources, has to cope with the absence of strong and common social norms. Starting from that reflection, we inquired: What is the effect of schools on social norms in Nunavik? In the literature, various answers to this question are suggested, along with suggestions to fix the issue, but these different theories rarely communicate with each other. We therefore used a hermeneutical approach by using the three most important theories, i.e. the cultural discontinuity/mismatch theory, the normative inversion theory and the critical pedagogy theories, to analyze the situation and suggest interventions. After treating the theories separately, we compared them to reveal their tensions and similarities and suggest further solutions for the future.

School safety is widely recognized as an ongoing problem in United States public schools. Guided by the New Right, the school safety problem has been framed as an issue of school crime, violence, and student misbehavior that is best mitigated by zero tolerance policies. This stance has emerged as an agenda that has proven disproportionately detrimental to poor urban students of color who have experienced unforeseen levels of punishment since the Gun Free Schools Act of 1994 endorsed zero tolerance. Despite mounting evidence that zero tolerance approaches to discipline do little to deter school crime and violence or make schools safe, little ground has been gained in interrupting the ideology, policies, practices, and discourses of the zero tolerance agenda. The dissertation study theorizes and explores how ideology, cultural-politics, and discourse foster the tendency for policy creation and codification to legitimize the New Right's official knowledge of zero tolerance ideology and policy as a panacea for the school safety problem. To accomplish this, I conducted an ethnographic content analysis of codes of student conduct to examine the imbued ideologies, discourses, and policy changes that emerge from the cultural politics of managing school discipline over the last 15 years. Through this process, I lend empirical credence to the concepts of net-widening and net-deepening. With these guiding concepts, I push the field beyond the zero tolerance discourse on school safety and discipline to establish a generative alternative to understanding school discipline policies called the school discipline net framework. The results of the study establish a precedent for thinking more deeply and creatively about the perils and possibilities of school discipline policies. Major findings include the identification of several school policy changes that make the discipline experience both increasingly likely and potentially more punitive for students. Finally, through substantiating the school discipline net as a framework for discoursing, researching, guiding policy creation, and recognizing and locating sites of agency, this work establishes that it is indeed possible to engage issues critical in the field in ways that can transfer into the highly politicized school policy context dominated by New Right ideologies and discourses. / Urban Education

This study explores mechanisms involved in small scale schooling and student engagement. Specifically, this study questions the validity of arguments for small scale schooling reforms that confound the promised effects of small scale schooling structures (such as smaller enrollments, schools-within-schools, and smaller class sizes) with the effects of the school climates assumed to follow from these structural changes. Data to address this issue was drawn from the Philadelphia Educational Longitudinal Study - one of the few publically-available datasets to include student-level measures of school-within-a-school participation and relative quality - and supplemented by school-level data from the National Center for Education Statistics' Common Core of Data. Regression analyses were designed to examine whether academic press and/or personalized teacher-student relationships - two aspects of school climate often associated with small scale schooling - mediate the relationships between small scale schooling structures and student engagement. The results suggest a pattern of widespread connections between small scale schooling structures and students' emotional engagement in school, but only a loose connection between these structures and students' behavioral engagement in school. Furthermore, school climate does, in fact, mediate many of the relationships between small scale schooling structures and emotional engagement; however, it does not fully mediate the relationship between small scale schooling structure and behavioral engagement. Findings relating student engagement to the quality of small learning communities relative to others in the same school suggest that comprehensive schools that are broken down into smaller within-school units may create a new mechanism for tracking students. Those who participate in relatively high quality small learning communities like school more and participate in more extracurricular activities/sports than students who participate in relatively low quality small learning communities or in no small learning community at all. These relationships are not mediated by school climate. Overall, the findings of this study suggest that the results of small scale schooling reforms are largely dependent on the school climates where they are instituted. / Urban Education

This research examines Black educators' professional experiences in the School District of Philadelphia (SDP) over forty years, through six superintendents and a state takeover. Using critical race theory, this research uncovers how Black educators' perceptions of SDP, based on district leadership, combined with their interpretations of the historical, social, and political contexts, influenced how they defined their professional situations, interpreted the culture of the District, and how they performed their roles. A phenomenological, historical ethnography approach is employed to investigate person to institution interactions interpreted through the historical record and educators' narratives. This research explores power relations and disjuncture between the goals, assumptions, and rhetoric of the School District of Philadelphia as expressed through its policies, politics, and practices, juxtaposed against the narratives of Black educators. This research found that SDP is peculiar, particular, unforgiving, and deeply politically entrenched. Its politics are complicated by issues of race and insider-outsider tensions and are compounded by state politics and the national political landscape. The politics within SDP were also influenced by the interpretation of the contemporary political narrative by the superintendent and his or her epistemological beliefs and ontological bent within that narrative. / Urban Education

This case study investigates the language policies and planning (LPP) implemented in Palau since the occupation by Japan before and during World War II, and by the United States of America under the United Nation's Trusteeship after the war. Palau is an island country in the Pacific with a population of 17,500, including 4,600 foreign-born citizens. The society is multilingual as a result of a 150-year occupation by other countries, including Japan and the United States, before its independence in 1994. In this study I also explore the effects of LPP during that time, including the policy regarding a standard writing system, practices at pedagogical institutions, and Palauans' opinions about languages, especially the two official languages, Palauan and English. Data were gathered through interviews, historical document study, observations of classes, and a questionnaire administered in Palau, by visiting the country more than 20 times, for one- to two-week stays beginning in 2001. Hornberger (2006) stated that the terms language policy and language planning have been used interchangeably or as a single concept in many previous studies. Her suggestion was to use the two terms as a set, as the relationship between them has been ambiguous in the past (p. 25). I agree with Hornberger that the two terms fundamentally form a single concept, and therefore, they are used as a set in this study. The theoretical framework proposed by Taylor (2002) is used to analyze the current LPP in Palau: that is, (1) language planning composed of (1.1) status planning, (1.2) corpus planning, and (1.3) acquisition planning; (2) language-in-education policy; and (3) aspects of language-in-education implementation program that consist of (3.1) curriculum policies, (3.2) personnel policies, (3.3) material policies (methods, content), (3.4) community policies, and (3.5) evaluation policies (p. 318). He stated, "[t]he process of devising a new national language policy" affects "language-in-education implementation programs" (p. 318). Major LPP studies were reviewed chronologically based on three phases suggested by Ricento (2000, pp. 10-22). It was helpful to consider the history of LPP "as a dynamic interplay between academic concerns... and political/bureaucratic interests" (Wee, 2011, p. 11). Also, some previous researchers have noted that localized studies of language goals, language use, and language change are needed. According to Kaplan and Baldauf (2003), who studied languages and language-in-education planning in the Pacific Basin, it is rare for Pacific Basin countries to have a language policy: "... [L]anguage planning is frequently undertaken by the education sector in the absence of any such higher-level policy or in the light of such a policy so vaguely articulated as to be quite incapable of implementation" (p. 6). Although their study provided a great deal of valuable information, they did not investigate the language policies of Palau. In this study I describe the government's policies, and real life situation of the policies. To describe the real life situation of the policies, interviews, and a questionnaire survey were used. I interviewed Palauans, such as those who had experienced the occupation(s) and postwar period to better understand the historical background of the current LPP. I also interviewed incumbent teachers after observing their classes. Most of them described various problems in teaching the compulsory Palauan Studies Course, on Palauan language, history, tradition, and culture. I also interviewed officials of the Ministry of Education, who provided a great deal of information about the educational system in Palau and the curriculum of the Palauan Studies Course. The 62-item questionnaire provided data concerning people's language use in various social contexts, as well as the effects of language policies and planning on people's opinions about languages. The 137 respondents were divided into five groups according to their year of birth, considering the years when important transitions had occurred in the LPP. Their responses were compared, and some of the respondents were interviewed to illuminate the questionnaire results. I interviewed eight Palauans in March and September 2012 and asked why they had selected certain responses to the questionnaire items. The questionnaire results indicated that there is a tendency for the younger generation to use English more than the older generations in various contexts, and that the efforts Palauans have made, such as making the new writing system a compulsory part of the school curriculum, have yielded positive effects on the opinions of the younger generation, who learned the Palauan writing system at school. Overall, the results showed that Palauan is not in danger of extinction at present, but it might lose its status as the primary language in the future. I suggest strategies for preserving Palauan as the primary language. / Teaching & Learning

Notre recherche a pour objet la migration pour études et plus précisément l’expérience de retour et du non-retour des diplômés guinéens formés au Canada. Elle repose sur une démarche qualitative. Prenant appui sur des matériaux discursifs issus d’entrevues individuelles dans deux sites (en Guinée et au Canada), auprès d’un échantillon de trente et un diplômés, notre étude s’est attachée, dans un premier temps, à faire ressortir les motivations des étudiants à « retourner au pays » à la fin de leurs études au Canada ou, à l’inverse, à demeurer dans le pays d’accueil. Dans une seconde phase, la recherche s'est intéressée au devenir des enquêtés après leurs études et en particulier à l’insertion ou réinsertion sociale, familiale et professionnelle des diplômés retournés en Guinée ou installés au Canada. Enfin, notre étude examine les perspectives d’avenir de l’ensemble de nos répondants; leurs satisfactions et frustrations après le retour en Guinée ou l’installation au Canada, le bilan qu’ils tirent de leur expérience de migration pour études mais aussi les perspectives de retour éventuelles et les liens que ceux qui sont restés entretiennent avec leur pays d’origine. Pour les diplômés retournés en Guinée, l’analyse des données montre que les « perspectives d’emploi et de promotion » ont joué un rôle central dans leur décision de rentrer. Ils sont également nombreux a déclaré avoir choisi le retour pour des raisons familiales. Certains justifient aussi leur retour par « la volonté de servir le pays ». Si l’insertion familiale a été facile pour la plupart des diplômés retournés en Guinée, la réinsertion sociale, le retour à des pratiques sociales et à un environnement précaire « qu’ils avaient oublié » semble en revanche avoir été moins aisé. Sur le plan professionnel, le séjour canadien est perçu comme ayant eu un impact très positif sur leur carrière. Les diplômes canadiens semblent très valorisés en Guinée et les réseaux canadiens que les diplômés ont pu établir lors de leur séjour sont aussi très utiles. La possibilité de trouver un emploi décent au Canada domine également le discours des répondants qui ont choisi de demeurer au pays d’accueil après leur formation. Les répondants ayant choisi de demeurer au Canada évoquent également fréquemment l’idée de « sacrifier » leur retour au profit de « l’avenir » des enfants. La politique de l’immigration canadienne par « l’incitation » de demeurer au Canada après les études ont aussi influencé certains diplômés dans leurs décisions de ne pas retourner. Même s’ils évoquent fréquemment l’emploi pour justifier leur installation au Canada, nos répondants restés au Canada ne trouvent pas facilement un travail qui correspond à leur formation et doivent souvent se contenter de « petits boulots ». Plusieurs pointent du doigt le «bilinguisme» et la «discrimination» en milieu de travail comme obstacles majeurs. Enfin, pour bon nombre d’entre eux le « retour au pays » est une perspective jamais écartée, la plupart n’ont jamais coupé le lien avec leur pays d’origine et plusieurs tiennent à faire connaître la culture guinéenne à leurs enfants. / The present study deals with the phenomenon of migration for educational purposes. Based on a qualitative approach, it specifically looks at the experience of Guinean graduates, educated in Canada, both those that have returned home and those that chose to stay in the host country. Using discursive materials gathered through individual interviews carried out in both Guinea and Canada, the sample includes 31 graduates. The thrust of the study is threefold. It seeks, first, to identify the main motivations for Guinean graduates in their decision to “return home” or stay in the host country at the end of their studies. The second aim is to enquire about the future of the graduates, particularly their social, family and professional integration or re-integration back home or in Canada. Finally, the study examines the future prospects of the sampled graduates: their satisfaction or lack thereof with their current situations, their retrospective view about the experience of migration for studies, the prospects of eventual return back home for those who stayed in the host country, as well as the linkages they have maintained with their home country. In the case of those who returned home, the study shows that “employment and promotion prospects” had played a central motivating role in their decision to return. Family considerations constituted the main motivation for some, while others cited their “resolve to serve the home country”, as the main incentive for their return. If family reintegration was easy for most of them, re-adaptation to certain social practices “they had forgotten” seems to have been less smooth. On the professional front, it appears that their Canadian training had a positive impact on their careers, as the reputation of Canadian certificates seems quite valuable in Guinea. Also, the professional networks established during their stay in Canada seem to be useful to many. For those who remained in Canada, the possibility of finding a decent job seems to be the main incentive for staying. They often cite the opportunity that Canada offers for a “better future” for their kids as one reason for their decision to stay, which they consider as a worthy “sacrifice”. Another important motivation is the Canadian immigration policy, which encourages graduates to remain in the country. But while they often cite employment opportunities in Canada to justify their decision to stay, they do not, in most cases, get an appropriate employment in line with their qualifications. Thus, they generally end up taking up “petty jobs”. Many blame “discrimination” and their poor or non-existent “English” for this situation, given Canada’s bilingualism. Finally, however, the majority of them still do not exclude “returning home” one day, and they have not severed links with the home country. In fact, most of them strive to raise their kids in a way that would not detach them from Guinean cultures and customs.

La légitimité des écoles privées fondées sur un projet religieux ou spirituel fait l’objet de débats épineux tant au Québec qu’ailleurs, depuis plusieurs années (chapitre 1). À la différence des nombreux travaux normatifs déjà produits sur ces questions, cette thèse propose une contribution empirique sur la réalité de certaines de ces écoles à Montréal. Notre objectif général consiste donc à comprendre comment la dimension religieuse ou spirituelle d'écoles privées de groupes ou courants minoritaires (juives, musulmanes, Steiner) se traduit dans les discours et pratiques de l'école. La mise en lien d’écoles abritant des projets éducatifs minoritaires de différentes natures vise par ailleurs à poser un regard plus large sur l’identité, ethnique ou religieuse. Après avoir analysé les trois écoles, nous examinons les différences ou convergences significatives entre elles. Puis, nous tentons de mieux comprendre comment leurs discours et leurs pratiques nous renseignent sur les attentes parallèles relatives à l’éducation en contexte libéral. Nous portons alors attention (chapitre 2) aux interactions entre le curriculum « séculier » et une perspective religieuse ou spirituelle, à la conception de l'autonomie dans la scolarisation, à la formation du citoyen et à la hiérarchisation des valeurs éducatives. En nous inspirant entre autres de Juteau (1999), nous considérons ces écoles comme des « communautés » éducatives. Notre démarche méthodologique (chapitre 3), d’inspiration ethnographique, s’articule autour d'observations participantes en 5e et en 6e année du primaire et en 1re et 2e année du secondaire (environ 3 jours par classe) et à plus de 45 entrevues, menées auprès des enseignants, des directions d’école et des parents d’élèves. Même si notre dispositif ne consiste pas à faire « émerger » une théorie, nous nous inspirons de la méthode de la « théorisation ancrée » pour analyser nos données. Le premier chapitre d’analyse (chapitre 4) illustre d’abord un cas relativement « pur » de communalisation, puisque l’école Steiner produit du spirituel sans forcément se situer dans un rapport de force avec d’autres groupes sociaux. Cela reflète donc comment une lignée identitaire peut être construite grâce à l’enracinement dans une tradition et une mémoire « créées» par l’école. L’école musulmane (chapitre 5) adapte plutôt les références associées à la religion de manière à constituer un « pont » entre la socialisation primaire et celle de la société d’accueil. On constate en effet que la direction et les enseignants de l’école ne réinventent pas la lignée croyante, mais ne la reproduisent pas non plus à l’identique. En ce qui concerne l’école juive (chapitre 6), elle permet surtout d’attester une communauté ethnoreligieuse extérieure. La tradition juive enseignée à l’école, souvent qualifiée de « traditionalisme non religieux » par les acteurs scolaires, présente donc peu de réinterprétations ou de transformations dans ce contexte scolaire. Un dernier chapitre d’analyse (chapitre 7), abordant les trois écoles dans une perspective comparative, met notamment en perspective comment ces trois institutions transmettent une culture identitaire et un style de vie débordant le cadre scolaire, qui englobent les croyances religieuses et/ou spirituelles, mais ne s’y réduisent pas. / For several years now, the legitimacy of private schools founded on religious or spiritual projects have been the object of thorny debates both in Quebec and elsewhere (Chapter 1). Unlike a number of normative studies already produced on this topic, this thesis presents an empirical contribution to understanding the reality of some such schools in Montreal. Our general objective consists of appreciating how the religious or spiritual dimensions of private schools specific to minority groups or social currents (Jewish, Muslim, Waldorf) are transferred into discourse and practices within the schools. Exploring schools that protect the educational projects of diverse minorities, this study opens a broader window onto ethnic and religious identities. Here, I examine meaningful differences and similarities between three such schools. This is followed by an attempt to understand what discourse and practices within these schools tell us about common expectations with relation to education in a liberal context. I therefore pay attention (in Chapter 2), to interactions between the “secular” curriculum and a religious or spiritual perspective, as well as to the notion of autonomy in schooling, to citizenship training, and to the prioritization of educational values. Much like Juteau (1999), among others, I find these schools to be educational “communities”. My methodological approach (Chapter 3), with an ethnographic orientation, draws on participant observation carried out in Grades 5 and 6 primary school classrooms, as well as in Years 1 and 2 secondary classrooms (approximately 3 days in each class). It also involves more than 45 interviews, carried out with teachers, school administrators, and the parents of students. Even though my approach does not involve identifying a relevant theory, I am nevertheless guided by the method of “grounded theory” as a means of analysing my data. The first analytical chapter (Chapter 4), illustrates a more or less “ideal type” of communialization, given that the Waldorf school focuses on spiritual work without necessarily situating itself with relation to other social groups. This reflects how an identity distinction can be constructed through rooting oneself in a tradition and in a memory “created” by the school. Meanwhile, the Muslim school (Chapter 5) adapts references associated with the religion in an attempt to constitute a “bridge” between primary socialization and that of the host society. I argue that while the administration and the teachers of the school do not reinvent a belief system, they do not entirely reproduce an identical system from elsewhere either. With regards to the Jewish case (Chapter 6), most notably the school fosters the externalization of an ethno-religious community. The Jewish tradition being taught at school is often described as “non-religious traditionalism” by school officials, and therefore presents few re-interpretations or transformations of the tradition in the context of the school. A last analytical chapter (Chapter 7) addresses the three schools in comparative scope, in order to put into perspective how these institutions transmit identitary cultures and lifestyles that exceed the framework of any of the schools, which encompass religious and/or spiritual beliefs without being reduced to these.

Ce mémoire est une recherche théorique qui tire son origine du constat selon lequel il est difficile d’analyser la réalisation du projet professionnel des candidats à l’enseignement. Tel est le cas en raison des particularités contextuelles et des pluralités théoriques relatives aux notions de formation et d’insertion. À partir de ce constat, ce mémoire propose un cadre d’analyse permettant de comprendre comment les jeunes enseignants du Québec appréhendent le « rapport entre » leur formation et leur insertion face aux différentes contraintes (i.e. rigidité du système institutionnel de la formation, marché de l’insertion fluctuant et saturé, etc.) et aux ressources disponibles (i.e. programme d’études, cours, etc.) pour réaliser leur projet professionnel. Il repose sur l’hypothèse selon laquelle, pour réaliser leur projet professionnel, les candidats à l’enseignement mobilisent des stratégies afin de négocier les contraintes et ressources de leurs contextes respectifs. Dans cette optique, la démarche de cette recherche théorique s’inscrit dans une perspective interactionniste, telle qu’elle est véhiculée par la tradition de Chicago (Chapoulie, 2001). Quelques postulats sont mobilisés pour baliser les différentes étapes d’élaboration du cadre d’analyse. Le premier postulat considère que le « point de vue » de l’acteur est prépondérant pour comprendre ses conduites (Morrissette, Guignon & Demaziére, 2011). Cela amène à articuler les ancrages théoriques nécessaires à l’élaboration du cadre d’analyse en croisant une sociologie interactionniste avec une sociologie de l’action. Plus particulièrement, les concepts de « définition de la situation » de Thomas (1923) et de la « représentation de soi » de Goffman (1969) sont mis à profit. Les notions de coopération, d’incertitude et de rationalité, tirées du modèle de l’acteur stratégique de Crozier et Friedberg (1981), viennent compléter les assises de la modélisation d’une trame de négociation (Strauss & Baszanger, 1992). Le deuxième postulat considère que les contextes, sont prépondérants pour expliquer les conduites humaines (Abbott, 1999). Ces contextes, dits «éloignés» et «rapprochés» de l’acteur, constituent le « contexte d’action » (Strauss & Baszanger, 1992). Ce faisant, ils influent sur les stratégies mobilisées par l’acteur candidat à l’enseignement. Le troisième postulat considère que le monde social est animé par des processus (re)créés au travers des interactions entre acteurs (Morrissette & Guignon, 2014). Il amène à envisager la formation et l’insertion comme des processus sujets à des redéfinitions continues. Cela conduit à repenser la réalisation du projet professionnel des candidats à l’enseignement sous l’angle du « rapport entre ». Ces trois postulats structurent le cadre d’analyse qui se présente comme une « trame de négociation ». Il est développé pour éventuellement éclairer les stratégies de négociation mobilisées en contexte par les candidats québécois à l’enseignement pour réaliser leur projet professionnel. / This thesis is a theoretical research that originated from the observation that it is difficult to analyze the completion of the professional project of Quebec teacher candidates. This is the case because of the contextual features and theoretical plurality of concepts relating to training and workplace insertion. From this observation, this purpose thesis is to develop an analytical framework to understand how Quebec teacher candidates comprehend the “relationship between” their training and professional insertion with regards to various constraints (i.e. a rigid institutional training system, a fluctuating and saturated professional market, etc.) and the available resources (i.e. curriculum, courses, etc..) to achieve their professional project. It is based on the assumption that, to achieve their professional project, teacher candidates mobilize strategies to negotiate constraints and resources in their respective contexts. Accordingly, the approach of the theoretical research is part of an interactionist perspective as conveyed by the tradition of Chicago (Chapoulie, 2001); Some postulates are mobilized to mark out the various stages of development of the theoretical framework. The first postulate considers that the point of view of the actor is paramount to understanding its conduits (Morrissette, Guignon & Demazière, 2011). It leads to articulate the theoretical anchorings necessary for the development of the analytical framework by combining an interactionist sociology with a sociology of action. More specifically, the concepts of “definition of the situation” from Thomas (1923) and “representation of oneself” from Goffman (1969) are utilized. The concepts of cooperation, uncertainty and rationality drawn from the strategic actor model of Crozier and Friedberg (1981), come to supplement the foundations of the modeling of a frame of negotiation (Strauss & Baszanger, 1992). The second postulate considers that the contexts are paramount to explain human conduits (Abbott, 1999). These contexts, which are identified as distant contexts and closer contexts to the actor (Strauss & Baszanger, 1992), provide the action context. In doing so, they influence the strategies used by the actor teacher candidate. The third postulate considers that the social world is driven by processes recreated through the interaction between actors (Morrissette & Guignon, 2014). It takes into consideration that training and integration are subject to the continuous redefinition process. Accordingly, it is about rethinking the achievement of the professional project of teacher candidates in terms of the “relationship between”. These three postulates structure the presentation of an analytical framework that is called a “frame of negotiation”. It is developed to possibly inform the strategies of negotiation mobilized by Quebec teacher candidates in the action context to achieve their professional projects.

L'objectif de cette thèse est d'identifier la nature des idées ou des messages politiques véhiculés dans les programmes scolaires, afin de déterminer si le processus de socialisation peut apporter des solutions aux dysfonctionnements des États africains et du Tchad en particulier. La recherche est centrée sur les aspects éducatifs de cette problématique, à travers plus précisément une analyse critique du contenu des manuels destinés aux élèves des écoles primaires de N'Djamena.Nous nous sommes focalisé sur trois points principaux. Le premier, de nature théorique, évoque les approches classiques et contemporaines ayant trait à la transmission des connaissances, aux mécanismes de pouvoir et à l'histoire coloniale. Le second consiste à décrypter, tant quantitativement que qualitativement, les thématiques ayant des significations politiques et figurant dans les manuels visés. Le troisième est de nature empirique : il s'appuie, d'une part, sur une échelle de politisation conçue sur la base des 90 vocables les plus représentatifs de ce champ et, d'autre part, sur des entretiens menés avec des acteurs de l'Éducation nationale et centrés sur des questions relatives à ce secteur telles que les problèmes entravant son développement, l'impact des décisions centrales et les alternatives susceptibles de dépasser les obstacles rencontrés.Cette contribution permet de confirmer notre hypothèse selon laquelle ce qui est inculqué aux élèves tchadiens n'incarne pas une culture garante de cohabitation, mais contribue à la dégradation de la situation politique du pays, le système de valeurs ainsi véhiculées ne favorisant pas la constitution d'une identité nationale commune. / The objective of this thesis is to identify the nature of political ideas or messages conveyed in the curriculum, to determine whether the socialization process can provide solutions to the failures of African states and Chad in particular. The research focuses on the educational aspects of this problem, specifically through a critical analysis of the content of textbooks for primary school children in N'Djamena.We focused on three main points. The first, theoretical in nature, evokes the classic and contemporary approaches to dealing with the transmission of knowledge, the mechanisms of power and colonial history. The second is to decipher, both quantitatively and qualitatively, the themes that have meanings and policies contained in the textbooks in question. The third is empirical: it is based on the one hand, on a scale of politicization designed based on the 90 most representative words of the field and on the other hand, on interviews with actors national Education and focused on issues related to this area such as problems hindering its development, the impact of central decisions and alternatives that could overcome the obstacles encountered.This contribution confirms our hypothesis that what is taught to students Chadian culture does not embody a guarantee of cohabitation, but contributes to the worsening political situation, the value system and conveyed does not favor the establishment of a common national identity.

No description available.