Les Systèmes d’Aide au Vote (SAV) comparent, sur des enjeux variés, les positions des utilisateurs avec celles des partis ou des candidats qui sont établies à partir d’une analyse de contenu de leur programme électoral. Les SAV sont un outil d’analyse novateur à usage des politistes puisqu’ils leur permettent de récolter des données empiriques à grande échelle tout au long d’une campagne électorale. L'objectif principal de cette thèse est d'utiliser les données collectées par les SAV afin d’analyser la diffusion d’un site Web à caractère informatif et politique, i.e. les SAV, auprès des internautes dans des systèmes médiatiques différents. Cette thèse teste l'hypothèse selon laquelle l'utilisation des SAV par différents groupes d'électeurs (électeurs partisans, hésitants et indécis) varie selon les systèmes médiatiques. Les analyses des données collectées par des SAV dans sept démocraties électorales représentant trois différents types de systèmes médiatiques (Democratic Corporatist, Liberal et Pluralist Polarized) montrent que les systèmes médiatiques structurent les comportements et influent sur le degré d’exposition à des informations politiques en ligne. Le second apport de cette thèse est l’utilisation des données collectées par un SAV pour l'analyse électorale, notamment pour l’étude du vote sur enjeux et des dynamiques de campagne. Plusieurs analyses sont réalisées dans cette thèse à partir des données recueillies par le SAV français de La Boussole présidentielle. Cette thèse montre que, bien qu’étant non-probabilistes, les échantillons SAV sont très informatifs à condition d’être intégrés dans un cadre de recherche approprié et d’ajuster les biais statistiques. / Online Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) are websites or online applications that show voters which party or candidate is closest to their own political ideas based on how they mark their positions on an ample range of policy issues. In addition to providing voters with reliable information in a structured manner, VAAs are an innovative data-collection tool on issue positions and on a wide set of other indicators. The main scope of this dissertation is to use VAA-collected data to learn about online information exposure during campaigns across media systems. Building on the realistic view of the Web’s political potential and its impact on the public, this dissertation test the hypothesis that VAA use by different voter groups (partisan, doubting and undecided voters) varies across media systems. The analyses of VAA-collected data in seven electoral democracies across three different types of media systems (Democratic Corporatist, Liberal, and Polarized Pluralist) show that media systems are key mediators to explain online information exposure. The second scope of this dissertation is to use VAA-collected data for the sake of electoral analysis, in particular to study issue-voting and campaign dynamics analyses. Several analyses are carried out using data collected by the French VAA of La Boussole présidentielle. This dissertation shows that, despite being non-probabilistic, VAA samples can serve as a very informative tool for the study of political and communication processes during electoral campaigns if integrated within an appropriate research framework and with the use of proper statistical adjustment.

Memoria (licenciado en ciencias jurídicas y sociales) / El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar el reconocimiento normativo y práctico de los derechos de sufragio y de petición de las personas privadas de libertad en Chile. Para el análisis normativo, se ha realizado una extensa revisión bibliográfica, que incluyó textos legales y literatura relacionada publicados en nuestro país. Su objetivo fue constatar si existe o no una regulación explícita que tutele el ejercicio de los derechos fundamentales de sufragio y petición en las personas privadas de libertad, y si existe información acerca del modo en que dichos derechos se están ejerciendo. El análisis práctico, por su parte, se ha realizado a partir de la información obtenida desde 4 entrevistas realizadas a autoridades del Poder Judicial, el Servicio Electoral de Chile (SERVEL) y Gendarmería de Chile, en las que se recogieron sus percepciones acerca del estado actual en que se encuentran la normativa y el ejercicio de ambos derechos. Para complementar lo anterior, se describe y analiza la situación normativa del Derecho comparado y el ejercicio concreto de los derechos fundamentales mencionados en Colombia y España, seleccionados por las buenas prácticas en estas materias. Se concluye que aun existiendo un reconocimiento normativo, éste es en extremo escaso, lo que trae aparejado, como consecuencia, la inobservancia en la práctica de ambos derechos fundamentales. Finalmente, se proponen formas de mejorar la condición actual de las personas privadas de libertad, en cuanto al ejercicio de los derechos analizados.

The territorial regularities of Lithuania’s sociopolitical development after the independency reestablishment are revealed in this paper. A territorial structure of Lithuania’s political field is analyzed on the basis of electoral method. Four groups of political phenomena are distinguished according to an interpretation of an elections results’ significance: 1) geopolitical attitudes, 2) assessment of the authorities, 3) political ideology and 4) assessment of the authorities’ division. The territorial structure of the political phenomena is revealed referring to the results of the referendums in 1991 and 2003 at the municipalities’ level and of the elections of the President, the Parliament and the Municipality in 1996-2007 at the wards’ level. The main regularities of the territorial structure are identified in each group of political phenomena. Lithuania’s electoral territorial structure distinguishes for a stable regional expression in a period since the statehood’s reestablishment. 6-7 large territorial formations constantly distinguish for special electoral attitudes and peculiar dynamics of the electorate’s behavior and structure in the context of surrounding environment. A constant imbalance of separate regions according to predominance of political ideology and a constant imbalance of political forces’ support in separate urban-rural units’ types, that are characteristic to Lithuania, are highlighted in this paper. Territorial differences of Lithuania’s electorate... [to full text] / Darbe atskleidžiami Lietuvos sociopolitinės raidos teritoriniai dėsningumai po Nepriklausomybės atkūrimo. Lietuvos politinio lauko teritorinė struktūra nagrinėjama elektorinio metodo pagrindu. Pagal rinkimų rezultatų reikšmės interpretaciją išskiriamos keturios politinių reiškinių grupės: 1) geopolitinės nuostatos, 2) valdžios vertinimas, 3) politinė ideologija ir 4) valdžios pasidalinimo vertinimas. Politinių reiškinių teritorinė struktūra atskleidžiama pagal 1991 m. ir 2003 m. referendumų rezultatus savivaldybių lygmeniu bei 1996-2007 m. Prezidento, Seimo ir Savivaldos rinkimų rezultatus seniūnijų lygmeniu. Kiekvienoje iš politinių reiškinių grupių identifikuojami pagrindiniai teritorinės struktūros dėsningumai. Lietuvos elektorinė teritorinė struktūra per laikotarpį nuo valstybingumo atkūrimo pasižymi stabilia regionine raiška. 6-7 stambūs teritoriniai dariniai supančios aplinkos fone nuolat išsiskiria ypatingomis rinkiminėmis nuostatomis bei savita elektorato elgesio ir struktūros dinamika. Darbe pabrėžiamas Lietuvai būdingas nuolatinis atskirų regionų netolygumas pagal politinės ideologijos vyravimą bei nuolatinis politinių jėgų paramos netolygumas atskiruose miesto-kaimo vienetų tipuose. Lietuvos elektorato teritoriniai skirtumai apibendrinami Lietuvos politinio rajonavimo schemoje pagal tradicinio-protesto elektoratų ir kairės-dešinės santykį.

David Frič FRIENDS AND NEIGHBOURS EFFECT ON VOTING IN THE KRÁLOVÉHRADECKÝ REGION Abstract This work deals with one of spatially contextual impacts on electoral behavior, namely the so- called friends and neighbours effect. It consists of influencing a voter's favor by the residence of a candidate around which the candidate usually gains more votes than an average for the whole constituency or more votes than would be expected by other criteria. The work verifies attendance and strength of this effect on the example of three kinds of elections in Královéhradecký Region. It analyzes friends and neighbours effect on voting in the elections to the Chamber of Deputies, the Regional Council and the Senate. The results of potency of the effect are examined separately in each of these elections and then compares results of the analyzes of these elections to each other, thereby provides a unique comparative perspective of this phenomenon in the Czech electoral systems. The significance of the friends and neighbours effect is also compared among selected political actors. The main part of the analysis focuses on their electoral results in individual municipalities as well as in the whole region, with regard to differences in results of candidates' hometowns. To illustrate the significance of the friends and...

This thesis presents a new approach to the long-standing question of how electoral rules influence the behaviour of legislators. It begins with the argument that fresh empirical advances can be made by moving beyond the pervasive but rigid assumption that all legislators want to be re-elected and, by extension, that every incumbent values this goal to the same degree. Rather, I propose that individual Members of Parliament (MPs) vary in the extent to which they personally desire or depend upon re-election. Following the principles of a difference-in-differences design, this observation allows me to devise a theoretical framework capable of testing whether MPs' vote-seeking behaviour differs within parliaments in a way that varies predictably across countries. Specifically, I propose that in electoral systems where party-centric behaviour increases re-election chances, MPs particularly invested in the goal of re-election should cater to the party to an even greater extent than their colleagues. Conversely, in systems where a personal vote can generate electoral gains, MPs most ambitious for re-election should engage in this type of vote-winning strategy to the greatest extent. I test this prediction across the UK House of Commons and the German Bundestag, and within Germany's mixed-member system. Newly-collected biographical data on over 1700 MPs is used to conduct the first systematic MP-level operationalisation of re-election ambition based on legislators' career backgrounds. Career politicians are thereby identified as those most ambitious for re-election. Using voting behaviour from 1.8 million vote choices in legislative roll-calls as a proxy for the degree to which an MP caters to the party or to his or her personal reputation, the quantitative multilevel analysis reveals strong evidence for the proposed behavioural pattern. The contribution made by this study is two-fold. First, it uncovers the interaction between electoral rules and individual re-election ambition as a new explanation for MP-level variation in legislative behaviour. Second, its research design overcomes shortcomings in previous empirical tests for the existing theory on how electoral rules impact MP behaviour (e.g. Carey and Shugart 1995), producing more robust evidence in support of this influential framework.

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo entender as principais alterações na legislação eleitoral do período entre 1946 e 1964 e identificar se essas mudanças representaram ou não os interesses dos grupos condutores do processo político. Como metodologia foi utilizada a revisão bibliográfica e a análise comparativa de documentos. Primeiramente é feita uma análise das rupturas e continuidades entre os textos dos instrumentos reguladores do processo político-partidário: o Código Eleitoral de 1945 e o Código Eleitoral de 1950. Em seguida, é realizada uma avaliação das principais descontinuidades nos dispositivos legais para verificar quais grupos de interesse foram beneficiários dessas mudanças. Conclui-se que os grupos políticos associados ao getulismo conduziram e foram beneficiados com a regulamentação eleitoral apenas em seu princípio, uma vez que a edição de um novo Código Eleitoral em 1950 e seus desdobramentos tornaram o sistema eleitoral mais independente e representativo. / This paper intends to understand the main changes in the electoral legislation from 1946 to 1964 and identify whether or not these changes represented the interests of the groups conducting the political process at the time. The methodology used was a literature review and a comparative analysis of documents. Thereby, the paper performs firstly an analysis of the ruptures and continuities between the regulatory instruments of the political party process: the Electoral Code of 1945 and Electoral Code of 1950. Secondly, it is performed an assessment of the major discontinuities to determine which interest groups were beneficiaries of these changes. It is concluded that the political groups associated with Getúlio Vargas guided and benefited from the electoral rules only for a moment, once the enactment of a new Election Code in 1950 and its outcomes established an electoral system more independent and representative.

Versou a dissertação sobre a inelegibilidade decorrente da rejeição de contas de gestores públicos e a nova interpretação da súmula n 01 do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral. Embora esta não tenha sido revogada, procurou-se demonstrar que seu mais recente entendimento está pautado pela obediência ao princípio da moralidade administrativa, sendo igualmente norteado pelo direito fundamental e garantia de quarta geração de ter governantes probos e honestos. Tratou o estudo de justificar e entender as razões que, de forma correta, levaram aquela Corte a substituir a exigência do mero ajuizamento de uma ação desconstitutiva pela necessidade de concessão de um tutela de urgência, visando suspender os efeitos da inelegibilidade e permitir a pretensa candidatura de gestor que teve suas contas desaprovadas por decisão irrecorrível do órgão competente e fundamentada em irregularidades insanáveis. Através da detalhada análise do artigo 1, inciso I, alínea g, da Lei Complementar n 64/90, que fundamenta juridicamente a suspensão do direito subjetivo de ser votado, buscou-se esclarecer questões controvertidas sobre os pressupostos necessários para o adequado manejo da competente ação de impugnação de registro de candidatura, sob pena de preclusão. Abordou-se tal instrumento processual como o mais adequado para que do pronunciamento da Justiça Eleitoral possa se retirar a máxima efetividade que dele se espera, notadamente para excluir da disputa de um mandato eletivo aquele que não reúne as condições éticas imprescindíveis para bem representar a sociedade, ao final se comprovando que tal sentimento de purificação dos pleitos reflete diretamente a coerente posição adotada pela Corte Especializada / The dissertation was about the ineligibility resulting from rejection of accounts of public representatives and the new interpretation of the Court Orientation n 01 of the Superior Electoral Court. Although this Court Orientation has not been revoked, it was tried to demonstrate that its most recent interpretation is in the direction of the mitigation of the presumption of innocence, in conformity with the principle of administrative morality, as well as with the fundamental right and fourth generation guarantee of having honest and truthful delegates. The study justified and understood the reasons that correctly made the Court substitute the imperative condition of a desconstitutive judicial demand, combined with the concession of an emergency law order, aiming to reverse the effects of the ineligibility, allowing the deputy, who had his accounts disapproved by uncontested decision of the competent judicial court based on incurable irregularities, to run for office. Through detailed analysis of opening line g of incise I of the first article of Complementary Law n 64/90, that legally substantiates the suspension of the subjective right of being voted, it was intended to explain controversial questions on the necessary basis for an appropriate handling of the proper judicial measure to impugnate the candidate registration, under the penalty of preclusion. This judicial instrument was approached so that from the pronouncement of the Electoral Court could be withdrawn the most effectiveness expected from it, especially to exclude from an election anyone who does not have the minimal ethical values to represent society, proving that the feeling of purification of the elections reflects straightly the coherent position adopted by the Specialized Court

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo entender as principais alterações na legislação eleitoral do período entre 1946 e 1964 e identificar se essas mudanças representaram ou não os interesses dos grupos condutores do processo político. Como metodologia foi utilizada a revisão bibliográfica e a análise comparativa de documentos. Primeiramente é feita uma análise das rupturas e continuidades entre os textos dos instrumentos reguladores do processo político-partidário: o Código Eleitoral de 1945 e o Código Eleitoral de 1950. Em seguida, é realizada uma avaliação das principais descontinuidades nos dispositivos legais para verificar quais grupos de interesse foram beneficiários dessas mudanças. Conclui-se que os grupos políticos associados ao getulismo conduziram e foram beneficiados com a regulamentação eleitoral apenas em seu princípio, uma vez que a edição de um novo Código Eleitoral em 1950 e seus desdobramentos tornaram o sistema eleitoral mais independente e representativo. / This paper intends to understand the main changes in the electoral legislation from 1946 to 1964 and identify whether or not these changes represented the interests of the groups conducting the political process at the time. The methodology used was a literature review and a comparative analysis of documents. Thereby, the paper performs firstly an analysis of the ruptures and continuities between the regulatory instruments of the political party process: the Electoral Code of 1945 and Electoral Code of 1950. Secondly, it is performed an assessment of the major discontinuities to determine which interest groups were beneficiaries of these changes. It is concluded that the political groups associated with Getúlio Vargas guided and benefited from the electoral rules only for a moment, once the enactment of a new Election Code in 1950 and its outcomes established an electoral system more independent and representative.

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo entender as principais alterações na legislação eleitoral do período entre 1946 e 1964 e identificar se essas mudanças representaram ou não os interesses dos grupos condutores do processo político. Como metodologia foi utilizada a revisão bibliográfica e a análise comparativa de documentos. Primeiramente é feita uma análise das rupturas e continuidades entre os textos dos instrumentos reguladores do processo político-partidário: o Código Eleitoral de 1945 e o Código Eleitoral de 1950. Em seguida, é realizada uma avaliação das principais descontinuidades nos dispositivos legais para verificar quais grupos de interesse foram beneficiários dessas mudanças. Conclui-se que os grupos políticos associados ao getulismo conduziram e foram beneficiados com a regulamentação eleitoral apenas em seu princípio, uma vez que a edição de um novo Código Eleitoral em 1950 e seus desdobramentos tornaram o sistema eleitoral mais independente e representativo. / This paper intends to understand the main changes in the electoral legislation from 1946 to 1964 and identify whether or not these changes represented the interests of the groups conducting the political process at the time. The methodology used was a literature review and a comparative analysis of documents. Thereby, the paper performs firstly an analysis of the ruptures and continuities between the regulatory instruments of the political party process: the Electoral Code of 1945 and Electoral Code of 1950. Secondly, it is performed an assessment of the major discontinuities to determine which interest groups were beneficiaries of these changes. It is concluded that the political groups associated with Getúlio Vargas guided and benefited from the electoral rules only for a moment, once the enactment of a new Election Code in 1950 and its outcomes established an electoral system more independent and representative.

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No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Bruno Magnum Pereira - 2014.pdf: 5799473 bytes, checksum: 3f4d6ffa221b3f941b80b1c7d18bde44 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-11-28 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The Electoral Geography emerges in France for over one hundred years, with the geographer André Siegfried. However, geography has neglected this area for decades Political Geography. Recently the interest in studies of elections comes back to geographical science, emerging analysis suggests that the spatial dimension as a possible explanatory variable. Thus, considering the importance of the role of space in the analysis of elections as we have assumed that the vote is a given space. Therefore, we propose a spatial analysis of the votes of election in 2006 and 2010 for state representative of Goiás. Thus, the overall goal was to analyse how place shapes the distribution of votes in the space and their relationship to the political representation of the state legislators Goiás. To this end, we seek through rates effective number of candidates, the concentration index / dispersion and dominance index spatialize the votes in Goiás, with the unit of analysis the municipality, understanding that this is the place of politics. Spatial voting patterns were related to the production of parliamentary deputies had checked for electoral connection in Goiás. As a result, we identified from the index effective candidates that concentrate the votes in a few candidates. At the same time, the majority of elected State Representative vote is concentrated within five municipalities, namely, in a few municipalities receive a number of votes that effectively contributes to his election. The axis of dominance shares the most votes with other candidates. Thus, the most common pattern among State Representative is concentrated of Goiás-shared. By relating to parliamentary production in the Legislative Assembly of Goiás, it was found that, somehow, the spatial patterns of voting is related to the more particularistic action, which grants benefits or interests located in more universalist parliamentary actions. This led us to consider that the appreciation of the spatial dimension contributes greatly to the analysis of politics and elections. / A Geografia Eleitoral surge na França, há mais de cem anos, com o geógrafo André Siegfried. Contudo, a Geografia negligenciou esta área da Geografia Política durante décadas. Recentemente o interesse pelos estudos das eleições vem retornando à ciência geográfica, surgindo análises que propõe a dimensão espacial como uma variável explicativa possível. Deste modo, por considerar a importância do papel do espaço na análise das eleições que temos como pressuposto que o voto é um dado espacial. Por conseguinte, propomos uma análise espacial dos votos das eleições de 2006 e 2010 para deputado estadual de Goiás. Assim, o objetivo geral foi de analisar como ocorrem as formas de distribuição do voto no espaço e suas relações com a representação política dos deputados estaduais de Goiás. Para tanto, buscamos por meio de índices de número efetivo de candidatos, índice de concentração/dispersão e índice de dominância espacializar os votos no território goiano, tendo como unidade de análise o município, por entender que este é o local da política. Os padrões espaciais de votação foram relacionados com a produção parlamentar dos deputados para verificara conexão eleitoral em Goiás. Como resultado, identificamos, a partir do índice de candidatos efetivos que os municípios goianos concentram os votos em poucos candidatos. Ao mesmo tempo, a maior parte dos deputados eleitos tem votação concentrada em até cinco municípios, ou seja, recebem em poucos municípios uma quantidade de votos que efetivamente contribui para sua eleição. No eixo da dominância a maior parte compartilha os votos com outros candidatos. Assim, o padrão mais comum entre os deputados goianos é o concentrado-compartilhado. Ao relacionar com a produção parlamentar na Assembleia Legislativa de Goiás, verificou-se que, de algum modo, os padrões espaciais de voto tem relação com a atuação mais particularista, que concede benefícios de interesses localizados ou com ações parlamentares mais universalistas. Isso nos levou a considerar que a valorização da dimensão espacial contribui sobremaneira para a análise da política e das eleições.