Party membership levels in the new democracies of central and east European were predicted to remain universally low, stymied by post-communist legacies, the availability of state funding and the prevalence of mass media communications (van Biezen, 2003; Kopecký, 2007). However, more than two decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall, membership levels vary considerably between countries, and also between individual parties within party systems. Using freshly gathered party membership data, elite surveys and interviews, this thesis explores a number of institutional hypotheses to test whether, as in western democracies, electoral institutions influence how parties organise and campaign. This thesis finds that national electoral systems, municipal electoral rules and business funding regulations have an observable impact on how parties use their members. In particular, 'decentralised' electoral systems encourage greater involvement of members in voter contacting and other small campaign tasks. This thesis concludes that, contrary to the dominant literature, the availability of state funding has little impact on party membership recruitment. Instead, central and east European parties' attitudes to members are shaped by a complex interaction of institutional, cultural, ideological and strategic factors.

This thesis deals with the comparison of selected topics from the political climate among students from both Germany and the Czech Republic. For this purpose, a survey of 108 Czech students from Charles University in Prague and 102 German students from the University Bremen was collected and the results were analysed. The research dealt with the claims rate of electoral and non-electoral participation, party preferences, whether left-right scale or support a particular party, the level of discussions about politics and watching political news, patriotism and attitude to European integration, civil society and direct democracy. The aim of the research is also a measure of political alienation and disgust with politics, media and confidence in the effectiveness of the state apparatus and not least the degree of knowledge about politics between Czech and German respondents. Each orientation is watched primarily by nationality of respondent, also according to gender in the whole group and in some cases also between the Czech and especially among German respondents. Where it was relevant, were also compared by field of study respondents. Most respondents from both countries have clearly defined links to the political system and its place in it, which showed such a high level of electoral participation,...

我國於2005年修憲案通過後，區域立委產生的方式由複數選區改為單一選區，每選區選出一名代表，選舉制度的改變、單一選區的設計及其劃分方式，造成某些立委選區幅員變小，有些甚至比地方公職人員的選區小或者與地方公職人員選區相同，但絕大多數選區仍較地方公職人員來得大，就這兩種類型立委而言，面臨選區內潛在的挑戰者時，其行為模式會有何不同？本研究以代表理論為基礎，將第七、八屆立委分為兩種類型（選區大與小），以量化分析與深入訪談並重的方式探究立委代表行為的差異。 本研究發現，控制其他的因素之後，在選區服務行為方面，相較於選區較地方公職人員大之立委，選區較地方公職人員小的立委於選區工作時間比例較高並達到顯著差異，而選民個案服務及紅白帖較為踴躍，從深度訪談結果得知，選區較小的立委確實從事更多的選區服務，也出現明顯地方化的現象。在立法問政行為方面，選區較小的立委在法律提案以及施政質詢行為上與選區較大的立委無差別，可能原因為選舉競爭激烈，每位區域立委需要展現自己，積極於國會中問政、提出法案等，而選區較小的立委由於在選區工作上投入大量時間，相對而言，無法分出更多的精力於立法問政，以至於立法問政的分析結果中，選區大與小的立委之間相差無幾。

Pendant ces dernières années il y a eu aussi beaucoup des recherches axées à analyser pourquoi souvent les élections ne respectent pas ces standards, quel est leur rôle dans les régimes hybrides et autocratiques, et il y a aussi des recherches qui enquêtent notamment les fraudes électorales. Cette thèse propose une contribution dans le débat et elle souligne que les études sur les fraudes électorales on souvent sous-traitées : les dimensions internationales. Ces dimensions sont conceptualisées dans deux façonnes. La première concerne la pression démocratisant occidentale et comment elle peut influencer le changement et/ou l’évolution des fraudes électorales. La deuxième, concerne les dynamiques des socialisations en terme d’échange d’informations parmi les régimes hybrides par rapport diffèrent modalités de fraudes électorales. Selon mes analyses dans les cas où il y a une pression démocratisant occidentale plus forte les autorités locales changent les méthodes des fraudes électorales. Ce changement ne doit pas être considéré forcement comme un amélioration de l’intégrité électoral tout court. Plutôt, avec l’amélioration des cadres légales de la gestion électorale, les autorités modifient les fraudes pour essayer d’éluder le criticisme occidental. En autre, pour bien modifier les méthodes des fraudes électorales les autorités d’un pays recourent à des pratiques d’apprentissage tout en regardant les expériences des autres pays. Ces arguments théoriques ont été vérifiés sur trois cas d’études, notamment Armenia, Azerbaïdjan et Géorgie. Ces pays ont des caractéristiques en commune, qui permettent des analyses diachroniques et synchroniques concernant les fraudes électorales à partir de leurs indépendances de l’Union Soviétique. / During the last years many research have been conducted to analyse why elections fail, what is their role in hybrid as well as authoritarian regimes, and there is a growing stream of literature that is investigating electoral frauds and electoral malpractices. This thesis provides a contribution in this debate by pointing to one of the less analysed factors in the study of electoral frauds and electoral malpractices, which is the international dimension. The latter is conceptualized in two ways: the first one relates to Western democratizing pressure and how it can affect the change or the evolution of electoral frauds and malpractices. The second one concerns socialization dynamics in terms of methods of frauds and malpractices among authorities in different countries. It is argued that where there is a stronger Western democratizing pressure authorities change the way they conduct elections, even if this change does not forcefully means democratization. Rather, along with formal improvements in elections management, authorities alter and modify methods of frauds and malpractices as a way to elude Western criticism. In order to properly modify electoral frauds and malpractices, authorities resort to learning practices by looking at other experiences. These theoretical arguments have been verified on three cases study, which are Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. These countries share some key characteristics, which allowed for cross-temporal and spatial analysis regarding electoral frauds and malpractices since their independence from the Soviet Union.

Os partidos políticos participam do uso do território brasileiro disputando o controle de suas porções. Quando ganham um cargo, seja legislativo ou executivo, potencializam suas possibilidades de intervenção no território, participando da construção de novas materialidades, ora promovendo ora coibindo novos usos. Um novo sistema normativo, como é o caso da proposta de reforma política, pode significar outras possibilidades de uso do território pelos partidos políticos, beneficiando uns ou outros, porque estabelece novas regras para a concorrência eleitoral e para o financiamento das campanhas e quais alianças territoriais serão permitidas. Essas novas regulamentações podem influenciar, junto com outros fatores, futuras distribuições do poder dos partidos políticos pelo território. Ao mesmo tempo, o território usado participa não só da criação dessas novas normas como da sua eficácia, caso sejam adotadas, determinando se as novas leis serão apenas formas vazias, que perpetuam o mosaico político-territorial vigente, ou se promoverão novos arranjos territoriais. A reforma política não pode ser entendida como uma variável autônoma da regulamentação das ações político-partidárias, independentemente da totalidade do uso do território. As regulamentações, ou seja, as normas são mediadoras e mediadas pela relação intrínseca entre ação política e materialidade. Dessa forma, o intuito de nossa pesquisa foi o de buscar compreender algumas propostas da reforma política a partir do território e seu uso, participando do debate da geografia política e eleitoral. / Political parties participate in the use of the Brazilian territory competing for the control of its portions. Winning a seat in the legislative body or a position in the executive branch increase exponentially their possibilities of intervention in such territory, allowing them to participate in the building of new materialities by either promoting or preventing its new use. A new system of norms, as in the case of the political reform proposal, might turn into new possibilities for the use of territory by political parties yielding benefit to some because it establishes new rules for electoral competition as well as for campaign financing in which territorial alliances shall be allowed. These new regulations might influence, together with other factors, future distribution of the political parties power over territory. At the same time, the territory used takes part not only in the making of these new norms but also in its efficacy, when they are adopted, determining whether the new laws will be no more than empty forms which perpetuate the prevailing political territorial mosaic, or they may promote new territorial organization. The Political Reform should not be seen as an independent variable of the setting of norms of the political parties actions, apart from the totality of territorial use. Norms are both mediators and mediated by the intrinsic relation between political action and materiality. Thus, the objective of this study was to reach an understanding of some political reform proposals based on territory and its use and by so doing, take part in the debate concerning political and electoral geography.

O sistema partidário-eleitoral brasileiro é tido como um dos mais fragmentados do mundo. As inferências para esse diagnóstico são extraídas do padrão de competição nas eleições proporcionais. O propósito da tese é estudar o sistema partidário brasileiro a partir das eleições majoritárias de 1989-2006. A tese tem como foco entender a dinâmica da competição política nessas disputas a partir da ação estratégica das elites partidárias. Do ponto de vista substantivo, o trabalho busca contribuir para o entendimento dos mecanismos que garantiram a dominância de PT e PSDB nas eleições presidenciais a partir de 1994. A tese busca demonstrar, ainda, a existência de estabilidade das clivagens políticas se tomarmos os Estados individualmente. O ponto de partida é que as eleições executivas são as mais importantes, tanto para as elites políticas como para os eleitores. Partidos políticos hierarquizam os diferentes pleitos. O argumento do trabalho é que o mecanismo central que garantiu a estabilidade da clivagem PT-PSDB foi a articulação nacional das candidaturas por meio das eleições para o governo do Estado. Esses dois partidos foram capazes de reproduzir essa clivagem nas diferentes disputas estaduais. A evidência empírica utilizada na análise é a frequência do lançamento de candidaturas dos nove maiores partidos nas eleições executivas. O custo de entrada das eleições majoritárias leva à criação de mercados eleitorais distintos no interior do sistema partidário brasileiro. O alto custo decorrente da baixa magnitude das eleições executivas torna esse mercado bastante concentrado. Assim, o padrão da competição política nas eleições majoritárias não apenas se encontra de acordo com a literatura institucionalista mas também apresenta uma estabilidade na identidade dos competidores tanto nas eleições presidenciais como, em menor medida, nas eleições para o governo estadual. / The brazilian electoral-party system is considered one of the most fragmented in the world. That diagnosis is based on the pattern of competition in proportional elections. The purpose of this thesis is to study the brazilian party system from the perspective of executive elections from 1989 to 2006. This thesis focuses on understanding the dynamics of political competition in these disputes from the strategic action of the party elites. Our central aim is to contribute to the understanding of the mechanisms that ensured the dominance of PT and PSDB in the presidential elections since 1994. This thesis seeks to demonstrate also the existence of stability of political divisions if the states are taken individually. The starting point of this work is that the executive elections are the most important for both political elites and voters. Political parties rank the different types of competition. The argument of this paper is that the central mechanism which ensured the stability of the PT-PSDB cleavage was the articulation of national contest through the elections to the government of the state. These two parties were able to reproduce the various disputes in the states. The empirical evidence used in the analysis is the frequency of the launch of applications of the nine major parties in the executive elections. The cost of entering the elections majority takes the creation of separate markets within the electoral party system in Brazil. The high costs of low executive elections make this market highly concentrated. Thus, the pattern of the executive elections is not only according to the institutionalist literature, but also shows stability in the identity of competitors both in the presidential elections and, to a lesser extent, in elections to the states governments.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:30:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Evanio Jose de Moura Santos.pdf: 1857828 bytes, checksum: 876dded5ac3a4f4a0891e96195c314d9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-06-01 / The study of the natural judge constitutional principle (art. 5th, XXXVII and LIII, of FC), right and fundamental human warranty, that constitutes indispensable value of the modern Democratic State of Right, is the core of the present work. Under a constitutional perspective, it analyzes other constitutional principles strictly interlinked, such as the due process of law, contradictory, wide defense and innocence presumption. It searches the concept of penal competence, especially of the penal competence of the Electoral Justice, as well as the several criteria that delimitate the competent forum in the ambit of the Electoral Judiciary Power, besides of the special venue by function prerogative, passing by the creation, evolution, definition and composition of the Electoral Justice, as well as the modus operandi and the peculiarities of that branch of the Specialized Justice. It presents the definition of electoral crime and its unfoldings and singularities, the rules of penal delimitation of the competence of the Electoral Justice, besides several suggestions of improvement of the Electoral Penal Justice, as well as some scathing critics on the predominant jurisprudence in the interpretation of sharp subjects turning on competence and electoral crimes, making the necessary comparison with the natural judge constitutional principle. It concludes seeking to enhance the indispensability of the use and development of the inherent contours of the natural judge constitutional principle for the invigoration of the Democratic State of Right / O estudo do princípio constitucional do juiz natural (art. 5º, XXXVII e LIII, da CF), direito e garantia humana fundamental, que constitui valor imprescindível do moderno Estado Democrático de Direito, consiste no cerne do presente trabalho. No âmbito de uma perspectiva constitucional, analisa outros princípios constitucionais estritamente interligados, tais como o devido processo legal, contraditório, ampla defesa e presunção de inocência. Perscruta o conceito de competência penal, notadamente da competência penal da Justiça Eleitoral, bem como os diversos critérios delimitadores do foro competente no âmbito do Poder Judiciário Eleitoral, inclusive do foro por prerrogativa de função, perpassando pela criação, evolução, conceituação e composição da Justiça Eleitoral, bem como o modus operandi e as peculiaridades desse braço da Justiça especializada. Apresenta a definição de crime eleitoral e de seus desdobramentos e singularidades, as regras de delimitação penal da competência da Justiça Eleitoral, além de diversas sugestões de aprimoramento da Justiça Penal Eleitoral, bem como algumas críticas acerbas sobre a jurisprudência predominante na interpretação de agudas questões versando sobre competência e crimes eleitorais, fazendo o necessário cotejo com o princípio constitucional do juiz natural. Finaliza buscando realçar a imprescindibilidade da utilização e desenvolvimento dos contornos inerentes ao princípio do juiz natural para o fortalecimento do Estado Democrático de Direito

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:47:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ALEXANDRE FRANCISCO DE AZEVEDO.pdf: 1371199 bytes, checksum: e54ba9204df33e5acdae99c0cad442ca (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-24 / This dissertation intends to make an approach to the electoral governance models between Brazil and Argentina, especially regarding the organization of Elections in both countries. Since the rise of Athenian democracy to the present day, it did, and does, required the existence of a specific body to manage the popular choice process. The appearance of elections and the Electoral Justice in Brazil and Argentina trod a path strewn with obstacles and sometimes setbacks. Since the indirect elections, up to 04 (four) degrees until direct elections, the election made in the courts of Catholic temples, to the present polling stations, the validation of the election of representatives of the executive branch, or parliament, to creation of an independent body to manage all stages of democratic adventure. Certainly there are similarities and differences. Are similar because the Electoral Court bodies are part of the judiciary has adjudicative function and administration of elections. Its members do not take up the role of perennial way, but there is temporary enabling renewal of their practices. They are distinct because while in Brazil nonexistent electoral body linked to the executive branch, in Argentina there is the Dirección Nacional Electoral, currently attached to the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights. In Brazil the electoral law is national, that is, the Union legislate on the subject for the whole nation. In Argentina this does not occur, since it adopts the US federal system, each province publishes its own rules of electoral law, creating their own electoral bodies. Anyway, this is a very interesting and engaging theme that makes us always want to research a little more. / A presente dissertação pretende fazer uma abordagem sobre os modelos de governança eleitoral entre o Brasil e a Argentina, notadamente quanto à organização da Justiça Eleitoral em ambos os países. Desde o surgimento da democracia ateniense até os dias atuais, se fez, e se faz, necessário a existência de um organismo específico para gerir o processo de escolha popular. O surgimento de eleições e da Justiça Eleitoral no Brasil e na Argentina trilhou um caminho repleto de obstáculos e, por vezes, de retrocessos. Desde as eleições indiretas, de até 04 (quatro) graus, até as eleições diretas, da eleição feita nos átrios dos templos Católicos, até os atuais locais de votação, da validação das eleições por representantes do Poder Executivo, ou do Parlamento, até a criação de um órgão independente para administrar todas as etapas da aventura democrática. Certo que existem semelhanças e diferenças. São semelhantes, pois os órgãos de Justiça Eleitoral integram o Poder Judiciário, tem função judicante e de administração das eleições. Seus membros não ocupam a função de forma perene, mas temporário possibilitando que haja renovação de suas práticas. São distintos, pois enquanto no Brasil inexiste organismo eleitoral ligado ao Poder Executivo, na Argentina existe a Dirección Nacional Electoral, atualmente ligado o Ministério da Justiça e Direitos Humanos. No Brasil o Direito Eleitoral é nacional, isto é, compete à União legislar sobre a matéria para toda a nação. Na Argentina tal não ocorre, posto que se adota o sistema federativo estadunidense, em que cada Província edita suas próprias normas de Direito Eleitoral, criando seus próprios organismos eleitorais. Enfim, trata-se de uma temática bastante interessante e envolvente que nos faz, sempre, querer pesquisar um pouco mais.

As eleições presidenciais são a principal competição do sistema político brasileiro. Há duas proposições dominantes que perpassam as análises da literatura sobre sua natureza e dinâmica: o Programa Bolsa-Família (PBF) é considerado central e determinante para os resultados eleitorais e teria contribuído, no pleito de 2006, para conformar um realinhamento das bases eleitorais do PT, único partido competitivo em todas as eleições. O programa social é considerado fundamental para explicar a força deste partido no Nordeste e entre eleitores pobres. Nesta tese, por meio de replicação de modelos da literatura e da análise de modelos originais a partir de survey, de dados agregados ao nível municipal e ao nível das urnas, e com a aplicação de diferentes metodologias, procuro debater essas hipóteses, apontando inconsistências e deficiências teóricas, metodológicas e empíricas. Os resultados apontam para diagnósticos alternativos às teses vigentes. Primeiro, procuro argumentar que a relação entre as mudanças eleitorais de 2006 e os perfis sociais dos eleitores ocorrem de forma heterogênea pelas regiões e tipos de localidade, e que, após mensuração adequada, essas flutuações são melhor compreendidas como movimentações de eleitores voláteis, e não como realinhamento de bases eleitorais. Além disso, contrariamente às análises correntes, ressalto que a investigação sobre o efeito eleitoral do PBF não deve ser restrita aos seus beneficiários e nem se pode inferir sua importância no resultado eleitoral a partir da sua distribuição regional. Antes, as análises conduzidas nesta tese revelam que o impacto do programa social para as decisões eleitorais foi mais importante no Sudeste que no Nordeste, e não se restringe a eleitores diretamente beneficiários do programa. Por fim, mostro que, após enquadramento adequado, é possível dizer que o impacto do PBF para o resultado eleitoral não foi tão pronunciado ou determinante dos resultados eleitorais. Do ponto de vista mais geral, meu argumento ressalta que as bases eleitorais de longo-prazo dos partidos influenciam os resultados presentes, matizando a importância das mudanças ocorridas em 2006, e sublinha que o efeito do PBF, assim como de qualquer outra política pública com peso político-eleitoral, não pode ser tomado isoladamente, fora do contexto da disputa eleitoral e política. / The presidential elections are the main competition of the Brazilian political system. The current literature on the subject pointed out two thesis about the nature and dynamic of presidential elections: The Bolsa-Família (PBF) conditional cash transfer program is considered to be central and determinant to the electoral results and in 2006 would have contributed to realign the electoral bases of PT, the only party competitive in all elections. The policy is considered to be fundamental to explain the strength of the party on Northeast among poor electors. On this dissertation I examine these hypothesis and debate the theoretical, methodological and empirical inconsistences and deficiencies of the current literature. In order to do so, I replicate models, analyze novel models looking at surveys and aggregate data on the municipal level and on ballot level, among other methods. The results highlight conclusions different from the standing literature. First, I argue that the correlation between the electoral changes of 2006 and the social profile of electors occur heterogeneously over different regions and localities. If the proper measure is applied, these variations are better understood as a movement of volatile electors and not as realignment of electoral bases. Moreover, contrary to the current literature, I emphasize that the investigation over the electoral effect of the PBF shouldn\'t be restricted to its beneficiaries and neither that it is possible to infer its importance on the electoral result based on its regional distribution. Contrarily, based on the data we gathered, the impact of the PBF to the electoral results was more important on the Southeast than on the Northeast and it is not restricted to electors directly beneficed by the program. Still, I argue that if the adequate framework is adopted, it is possible to say that the impact of the PBF on the electoral results wasn\'t very strong or determinant to the electoral result. I conclude that the parties\' long term electoral bases influence on present results, minimizing the fluctuations that occurred in 2006. As it happens with all the policies with high potential to impact on voters decisions, the effect of the PBF cannot be analyzed separately, it has to be considered inside the context of the electoral and political dispute.

A dissertação propõe um questionamento quanto à legitimidade da criminalização da propaganda eleitoral falsa. Para tanto, analisa o papel das eleições na Democracia e o papel da Justiça Eleitoral, no Brasil, como instituição incumbida de sua organização, realização e regulação. Em seguida, identifica a propaganda política como meio de que se valem as campanhas eleitorais para o convencimento dos eleitores, estudando sua evolução histórica até o desenvolvimento do marketing eleitoral, suas características e os limites, formais e materiais, que lhe são impostos normativamente no Brasil. A partir destes elementos, a pesquisa foca-se no crime de divulgação de fatos inverídicos na propaganda eleitoral, previsto no artigo 323 do Código Eleitoral. São averiguadas a legitimidade e necessidade da criminalização, perquirindo quanto ao bem jurídico tutelado e ao risco no qual este é colocado pela conduta proibida, especialmente quanto ao efeito que a propaganda eleitoral falsa tem na formação do voto do eleitor. Por fim, sob o enfoque da política criminal, são questionadas a viabilidade do controle de conteúdo da propaganda eleitoral, conduzido pela Justiça Eleitoral, e sua oportunidade, à luz das consequências que traz à sociedade. / The dissertation proposes a questioning of the legitimacy of criminalizing false electoral propaganda. It analyzes the role of elections in democracy and of the Electoral Justice in Brazil, as an institution responsible for its organization, development and regulation. Then identifies political propaganda as a means of which election campaigns use to convince voters, studying its historical evolution up to the development of the electoral marketing; its characteristics and limits, formal and material that are normatively imposed in Brazil. From these elements, the research focuses on the crime of disseminating untrue facts on electoral propaganda under article 323 of the Electoral Code. The legitimacy and necessity of criminalization are investigated, inquiring as to the protected legal interest and the risk in which it is placed by the prohibited conduct, especially as to the effect that false electoral propaganda has on the formation of the voter\'s choice. Finally, with a focus on criminal policy are questioned the feasibility of the content control conducted by the Electoral Justice, and its opportunity, in light of the consequences it brings to society.