A tradição socialista foi marcada pela antinomia revolução versus reforma do capitalismo. Contudo, tanto a orientação revolucionária quanto a reformista perseguiram a utopia da sociedade do trabalho, fundamentando seu conceito de emancipação a partir de um paradigma produtivista. Este paradigma foi responsável por encobrir a articulação entre emancipação e democracia radical ao reduzir o núcleo normativo da autonomia ao modelo de ação baseado no trabalho como ocorreu com a orientação revolucionária ou engessando a autodeterminação política ao domesticar a democracia com as intervenções do poder administrativo tal como ocorreu no caso da orientação reformista. Pretendemos mostrar que, além de se voltar contra as determinações impostas pelo paradigma da produção, a emergência de novos conflitos sociais e de lutas por reconhecimento não podem mais ser explicadas a partir de um único sentido de emancipação. A reconstrução da autocomprensão política de sociedades modernas a partir do projeto de uma democracia radical nos permite entender os diferentes sentidos da emancipação articulados em processos de formação política da opinião e da vontade. A utopia da sociedade do trabalho dá lugar às lutas em torno da integridade e autonomia das formas de vida, espaços de autorealização, conquistas de direitos e autodeterminação política. / The socialist tradition was marked by the antinomy revolution versus reform of capitalism. However, as much as the revolutionary orientation, the reformists also pursued the utopie of labor society, and grounded its concept of emancipation in a paradigm of production. This paradigm was responsable for covering the articulation between emancipation and radical democracy and reducing the normative core of the autonomy to the model of action based on labor as in the case of the revolutionary orientation or weakning the political selfdetermination and domesticating the democracy trough interventions of the administrative power as in the case of the reformist orientation. We intend to show that, beyond facing against the determinations imposed by the paradigm of production, the emergency of new social conflicts and struggles for recognition can not be explained from only one sense of emancipation. The reconstruction of the political selfunderstanding of modern societies from a project of radical democracy allow us to understand the diferent senses of emancipation articulated in political processes of opinion and will formation. The utopie of labor society gives place to the struggles for the integrity and autonomy of forms of life, spheres of selfrealization, conquests of rights, and political selfdetermination.

This dissertation is a social and cultural history about the ways that African Americans contributed to national debates about race, slavery, and emancipation by constructing and performing their own representations of slavery for the public. Scholars often portray these larger debates as a contest of ideas among whites, but African Americans played an important and still understudied role in shaping the white public’s understandings of race and slavery throughout the nineteenth century, especially in the North. Moving from from the 1830s to the early 1900s, my dissertation identifies several critical moments when African Americans, especially former slaves, gained new access to the public stage and seized opportunities to represent their own identities, histories, and experiences in different forums. Chapter One focuses on the unique contribution that fugitive slave activists made to the abolition movement. I place the published slave narratives in a larger performative context that includes public appearances and speeches; singing and dramatic readings; and oral testimony given in more private settings. In contrast to the sympathetic but frequently disempowering rhetoric of white abolitionists, fugitive activists used their performances to construct a positive representation of black manhood and womanhood that showed slaves not as benevolent objects in need of rescue but as strong men and women ready to enter freedom on equal terms. Chapter Two focuses on the Civil War, when runaway slaves had new opportunities to communicate their understandings of slavery and freedom to the Northerners who sent south during the war, as soldiers, missionaries, and aid workers. “Contraband” slaves’ testimony revealed the prevalence of violence and family separation, as well as slaves’ willingness to endure great hardship in pursuit of freedom. Contraband men and women also worked to publicly assert their new identities as freedpeople when they preemptively claimed the rights of citizenship and power over their own bodies. Their testimony and actions challenged white Northerners to embrace emancipation as an explicit Union war aim. Chapter Three of my dissertation examines black performance on the formal stage, 1865-1890s, by focusing on three groups of black performers: African American minstrels, the Hyers Sisters Dramatic Company, and the Fisk Jubilee Singers. Capitalizing on Northerners’ increased interest in slavery and “authentic” black performers, these groups offered their own representations of slavery and emancipation to the public, sometimes disrupting whites’ romanticized image of the “old plantation” in the process. During an era when the country moved toward reconciliation and reunion, these performances kept the issue of slavery before the public and, in some cases, contributed to an emancipationist memory of the war which challenged contemporary Northerners to protect the rights of freedpeople. My final chapter focuses on the autobiographies written and published by formerly enslaved women post-1865. My analysis of the women’s narratives as a body of work challenges the prevailing notion that post-bellum slave narratives were focused on regional reconciliation and the writer’s successful life in freedom. Women writers continued to remember and represent slavery as a brutal institution and revealed the ways that it continued to shape their lives in freedom, challenging contemporary images of the “old plantation” and devoted, self-sacrificing “Mammy.” Through their writing, these women represented African American women as central actors in stories of resistance, survival, and self-emancipation. With sustained attention to the deeply gendered nature of these representations, my dissertation sheds new light on the unique ways that African American women participated in these larger social debates and contributed to the public’s understanding of race and slavery before, during, and after the Civil War. Moving beyond the traditional periodization of U.S. slavery and emancipation and the typical focus on actors within a single, organized social movement, my project uncovers the breadth and diversity of African Americans’ public representations of slavery and freedom in contexts that were simultaneously social, cultural, and political. Using a broad range of published and unpublished archival materials, my work reveals African Americans’ distinct contribution to national debates regarding slavery’s place in the nation and the future of the men and women held within it.

This dissertation explores the ways marginalized slaves and orphans came together to create new mission communities in western Tanzania. It shows that slave emancipation was a complex process that involved flight to the missions, public declarations, and certification of emancipation. Former slaves joined missions and their descendants became the first-generation Christians, and some worked as teachers, pastors and catechists. The dissertation centers on multiple language communities brought in juxtaposition by the slave trade, wars, and migrations to examine their involvement in the translation of Christian texts into the Kinyamwezi language. It argues that translation of the New Testament, religious texts and songs was a reciprocal process of Africans and European missionaries teaching each other. In so doing, translation became a stimulus for independent interpretation, as Nyamwezi translators acted as independent intellectuals in shaping an African interpretation of Christianity. In remote areas, far from the centers of mission stations, catechists and teachers helped adherents by translating the Bible and religious texts into their own languages, contributing to the growth of African Christianity. In addition to translation, teachers and catechists administered churches in villages, taught catechism, and prepared the young and adults for baptism and confirmation. They established their own schools, and devised teaching methods and ways of obtaining pupils for instruction. Their families not only provided a model of Christian families but also laid the foundation for African Christianity as children were baptized, attended mission schools and became teachers and catechists, and in some cases, nuns and priests. Furthermore, lay women and wives of the Nyamwezi teachers and catechists taught children in Sunday schools, while others accompanied teachers in villages and launched home-visit campaigns to attract more Nyamwezi women to join Christianity. The dissertation further argues that the growth of African Christianity in villages was not entirely the product of European missionary initiatives, but rather in significant measure the result of African cultural and intellectual creativity. The growth of Christianity in the twenty-century western Tanzania gave rise to the revival movement which spread in missions and villages, attracting Christians and pastors into revivalism. Nevertheless, divergent interpretations on the teachings of salvation, sin, and public confession of sins split Christians in the established mission churches into born-again pastors and Christians who supported revivalism and Christians who opposed the movement. This dissertation shows for the first time that lay Christians dissented from the revival movement, preventing born-again pastors and evangelists from holding services in churches. With growing tensions, some Christians seceded from the mainstream churches to form their own churches and installed their own pastors who worked independently from the control of the established churches.

This study examined former foster youth’s perceptions of the skills and services they received while they were in the foster care system. More specifically the efficacy of these services, and what services and skills they believed would have been helpful to assist them in their transition into independent living. A qualitative design was used, and semi-structured face-to-face and telephone interviews were conducted with ten former foster youth who aged out of foster care at age eighteen through twenty-one. Two males and eight females from diverse backgrounds participated in this study. Participants were recruited through availability and snowball sampling at community agencies, college campuses, and the community. This study found that participants experienced a difficult time transitioning from foster care to independent living, felt unprepared after leaving foster care, needing additional services, and expressed wanting to have received more in depth financial management skills. This study recommends providing additional independent living skills, social support, and participation in the Independent Living Program as part of foster youth’s case plan when preparing to transition out of foster care into independent living.

This dissertation is a social and legal history of St. Louis and Missouri in the Civil War and Reconstruction eras. The study examines African American women's individual and collective struggles for freedom and civil status in the Age of Emancipation. By mining the records of the local military police in Missouri, this project finds that freedwomen, and even enslaved women, used military courts to seize rights during the Civil War. African American women entered this legal system as petitioners and claimed specific rights, including the right to paid labor, the right to state protection from bodily assault, and the right to custody of their children. The project identifies a number of key points when emancipation took a gendered path. Union officers were more likely to allow fugitive men into their camps, as they viewed women as unfit for military work. Mothers with children were particularly unwanted in military camps and forts throughout the state. After slave enlistment began in Missouri, men were freed in return for their military service but their female relatives had to find a separate path out of slavery. As part of the process of emancipation, freedwomen developed and asserted their own beliefs regarding marital rights and obligations. These marital claims were made in dialogue with the Union army, the Military Pension Bureau, divorce law, and the African American church and community. In the crisis of the Civil War, freedwomen developed a gendered conception of citizenship that was firmly rooted in their wartime struggle to destroy slavery. By considering the claims women made before military and civil officials, we can see in detail how African American women fought for national inclusion and, furthermore, that freedwomen's claims derived from a political philosophy that fueled their visions of freedom. The struggles of this population clarify the central role of the legacy of slavery, and the process of slave emancipation, in the construction of American citizenship rights.

Since the initial stages of 1980s, the global world faced the huge shift. Many security scholars try to challenge and review the mainstream security studies that derived from a combination of Anglo-American, statist, militarized, masculinized, methodologically positivist, and philosophically realist thinking. ¡§The Welsh School¡¨ of Critical Security Studies is one of the most important approach. The Welsh School thinks about security as developing in the light of the Frankfurt School, and brings the tradition of ¡§critical¡¨, ¡§epistemology position¡¨, and ¡§emancipation¡¨ to the security studies. The Welsh School separate the core of critical security studies(CSS) into three concepts: security, emancipation, and community, therefore, this study try to explain and review these concepts. Firstly, CSS tried to ¡§deepen¡¨ the concepts of ¡§security¡¨, deconstruct statism and bring the referent to individual, and then ¡§broaden¡¨ the agenda of security to discuss the traditional and non-traditional issues in the globalization world. Secondly, CSS emphasize the relationship of theory and practice, and expect to achieve their goal-¡§emancipatory politics¡¨. Via the construction of emancipatory community, people could released from contingent and structural oppressions, and create a free and equal environment. Despite the states still the major referent in international institution and security environment, and the main concept of The Welsh School still not practice in contemporary politics, but the first task of CSS is to bring a revision of the world, and then create a comprehensive and humanity security thinking.

Syftet med den här uppsatsen var att undersöka en del av den väg som ledde fram till judarnas emancipation i Sverige. Emancipationslagen trädde i kraft år 1870, och min undersökning är placerad i en riksdagsdebatt år 1851 där de diskuterar just judarnas utvidgade rättigheter. Uppsatsen ger en bild av ett Sverige där liberalismens idéer stöts och blöts med det gamla samhällets fasta principer och där judefrågan inte bara handlar om religion, utan också om ekonomi, sociala förhållanden och de utbredda fördomarna hos folket. Min hypotes var att den framväxande liberalismens idéer om frihet och jämlikhet i riksdagsprotokollen skulle krocka med den djupt rotade antisemitismen som flera forskare visat på fanns i Sverige vid den här tiden. Genom att gå igenom två motioner där det yrkas på judarnas utvidgade rättigheter, utskottsbetänkandet samt därpå följande debatt i riksdagen lyckades jag skapa mig en bild av det politiska klimatet i Sverige kopplat till frågan om judarnas plats i det svenska samhället. Stämde då min hypotes? Till viss del, men jag insåg att ideologier, tankestrukturer och skiften däremellan var mer komplicerat än ett enkelt ja eller nej. I efterhand vill vi historiker, genom våra små titthål in i det förflutna, gärna se tydliga motsättningar och skiften, men så är oftast inte verkligheten. Visst krockade den framväxande liberalismen och det gamla samhället – ständigt. Men antisemitismen, som jag såg som en del av det gamla samhället, verkade inte alltid höra hemma på den ena eller den andra sidan. Ibland var liberalerna en tydlig kontrast till de traditionella föreställningarna om juden som fanns. När vissa dömde ut dem som schackrare och ockrare, då menade de istället att judarna var företagsamma och skickliga på det de gjorde. Men i andra fall blir det tydligt att de liberala tankegångarna inte alls är intresserade av judarnas människovärde eller rätt till frihet, de hänvisar endast till att judarna varit gagneliga för den svenska ekonomin och att det bör fortsätta att vara så. Med hjälp av den tidigare forskningen kunde alltså konstateras att den långa historia av förföljelser som följt judarna och begränsat dem till vissa yrken också påverkat dess identitet och plats i det nya samhället. Statens krav på judarna, ett så kallat socialt kontrakt, blev en del av hur judarna i Sverige levde. Om de höll sig inom ramen för vad staten förväntade sig av den judiska befolkningen, så var de också värda utökat medborgarskap. Här blir gränsen svår att dra, var emancipationen till för att ge judarna större frihet, eller var tanken att den enbart skulle gynna den svenska ekonomin?

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Notre Dame, 2005. / Thesis directed by Gregory P. Kucich for the Department of English. "July 2005." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 362-385).