This dissertation examines liberal statist and liberal cosmopolitan attempts to explain global justice. It argues that liberal statists misidentify their own commitments regarding human rights, and that once these implications are drawn out, many statist and cosmopolitan theories of global justice converge on several of their central positions. Although statists and cosmopolitans differ in their methodologies, emphasis, epistemic commitments, and some logical commitments of their respective positions, I argue that they are nonetheless committed to many of the same positions about practices in the sphere of global justice. They share elements of a logical structure, based in liberal domestic principles, which commits them to similar practical implications. Their convergence is most visible in an examination of their human rights commitments. They nonetheless differ in their analytic priorities, and hence in the ease with which they arrive at many of their insights and conclusions. In particular, despite Rawls’s denial of the desirability or feasibility of cosmopolitanism, he shares many practical commitments with cosmopolitans such as Tesón, Beitz, Buchanan, Tan and Caney. Their shared liberal egalitarian premises arising from liberal domestic theory result in convergence on what they take to be the central questions of global justice, and moreover on their answers to these central questions. Liberal theories on both sides of the cosmopolitan and statist divide endorse a practical approach to human rights that links human rights compliance with such practical global justice privileges as non-intervention, humanitarian aid, treaty relations, and even tolerance. And this convergence entails a more united liberal account of global justice than theorists on either side of the statist and cosmopolitan divide have been willing to admit. / Thesis (Ph.D, Philosophy) -- Queen's University, 2013-05-21 14:40:51.218

Since the initial stages of 1980s, the global world faced the huge shift. Many security scholars try to challenge and review the mainstream security studies that derived from a combination of Anglo-American, statist, militarized, masculinized, methodologically positivist, and philosophically realist thinking. ¡§The Welsh School¡¨ of Critical Security Studies is one of the most important approach. The Welsh School thinks about security as developing in the light of the Frankfurt School, and brings the tradition of ¡§critical¡¨, ¡§epistemology position¡¨, and ¡§emancipation¡¨ to the security studies. The Welsh School separate the core of critical security studies(CSS) into three concepts: security, emancipation, and community, therefore, this study try to explain and review these concepts. Firstly, CSS tried to ¡§deepen¡¨ the concepts of ¡§security¡¨, deconstruct statism and bring the referent to individual, and then ¡§broaden¡¨ the agenda of security to discuss the traditional and non-traditional issues in the globalization world. Secondly, CSS emphasize the relationship of theory and practice, and expect to achieve their goal-¡§emancipatory politics¡¨. Via the construction of emancipatory community, people could released from contingent and structural oppressions, and create a free and equal environment. Despite the states still the major referent in international institution and security environment, and the main concept of The Welsh School still not practice in contemporary politics, but the first task of CSS is to bring a revision of the world, and then create a comprehensive and humanity security thinking.

Modern states are committed to the implicit assumption that one generation has the normative power to bind later generations through laws and contracts. My dissertation explores this assumption through two case studies: constitutions and sovereign debt contracts. I show that in both cases the assumption of transgenerational binding shapes the legal practices and doctrines of modern states. It informs, for instance, the ratification of eternity clauses, the interpretation of constitutions, and the doctrines of sovereign immunity and odious debt. But although these practices of transgenerational binding are prevalent in modern states, they stand in tension, I argue, with the liberal moral commitments of these states. Liberals are committed to moral individualism, according to which only individual human beings (and some nonhuman animals) are moral persons. Moral individualism, I show, is incompatible with the assumption of transgenerational binding and its accompanying practices and doctrines. By contrast, moral statism, according to which states themselves are moral persons, can easily justify those transgenerational practice. But moral statist justifications are illiberal because they assign states intrinsic moral status above and beyond individual human beings. I argue that liberals must engage in revisionism whichever theory of political obligation they pick - whether it is a theory of agreement, restitution, justice, reciprocity, or instrumentalism. If liberals assume moral individualism and combine it with any of these theories, they will be forced either to declare some transgenerational practices and doctrines illegitimate or to revise the justification and scope of transgenerational binding in light of instrumentalism. If liberals choose moral statism, they will be able to justify the transgenerational doctrines and practices of constitutions and sovereign debt contracts - but only at the cost of illiberalism. The dissertation's analysis thus shows that liberals face a trilemma between illegitimacy, instrumentalism, and illiberalism.

This dissertation combines theories of nationalism and discourse analysis modeled on Benedict Anderson and Homi Bhabha with Kenneth Burke's dramatism to demonstrate that political states are constituted as meaningful, exclusionary communities through legislative discourses, literary representations, and practices of historiography. Although a number of scholars have acknowledged the importance of state identifications in the complex of cultural and symbolic nationalism, there has been limited examination of the composition of what I call "statist"-- as related to but distinct from "nationalist"-- identities in their own right. Using Wyoming as a case study, this project examines the unique and deeply significant affiliations formed within individual states in the United States of America. Wyoming provides an interesting lens for this discussion for several reasons. First, Wyoming's attainment of statehood in 1890 marks an important figurative closing of the frontier acknowledged in the census of that year and remarked upon as significant among many scholars of Western history. This coincidence of timing also places Wyoming's territorial period and attempts to articulate the state as an independent cultural and political entity during the period of colonialism. Many scholars, including Benedict Anderson and Homi Bhabha as well as Ernest Gellner and Eric Hobsbawm, consider this the period during which modern nationalism flowered. Finally, Wyoming presents a useful template for this analysis precisely because of its unremarkableness in legislative terms; the language of its constitution draws heavily on the models provided by earlier states as well as the US Constitution and is quite similar in this respect to many that followed. Although the symbols and narratives that circumscribe the Wyoming imaginary are unique, the process by which they are constituted is not and could be observed in some form in any state in the Union.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:21:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Edilson Montrose de Aguiar Junior.pdf: 1205352 bytes, checksum: 7a4b174f3861e06bff4ab9da85f55d30 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-25 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / From the state of the art of researches that say - using the theoretical framework developed by political scientist Nicos Poulantzas -, for the most part, the political hegemony within the power bloc in Brazil has been exercised by the banking and financial fraction. This hegemony, which began in the nineties, is maintained even during the Lula and Dilma governments. From this foundation, we sought to investigate how were appreciated in Congress (fundamentally the Chamber of Deputies, secondly in the Federal Senate) the interests of the banking and financial fraction. The choice of the examined interests was made from editions of the document Agenda of the Financial Sector , prepared by the National Confederation of Financial Institutions. We listed some topics and analyzed more than one hundred and twenty bills introduced during the period of Lula and Dilma governments (2003-2015). We also analyzed the speeches of deputies in which occurred keywords like financial system , bank profits , spread , tax wedge , Bradesco and Itaú . The obtained results show that the contrary projects were more than twice the favorable projects. However, the approval rates of projects (contrary or favorable) were low when presented by the Legislative and high when presented by the Executive. Regarding the speeches, there is a clear predominance of negative reviews about the banking and financial fraction. It was concluded then that, corroborating previous theories, the banking and financial fraction has difficulty to legitimize itself at the Legislative, where other classes and class fractions are present. The Executive gives it greater shelter. However, it is noticeable also that the banking and financial fraction has organized and mobilized itself in recent years to be legitimized at the Legislative too / O estado das artes das pesquisas que se utilizam do referencial teórico elaborado pelo cientista político Nicos Poulantzas, afirmam, em sua maioria, que a hegemonia política no interior do bloco no poder no Brasil tem sido exercida pela fração bancário-financeira. Esta hegemonia, iniciada nos anos noventa, mantém-se mesmo durante os governos Lula e Dilma. A partir deste embasamento buscou-se investigar como foram apreciados no Congresso Nacional (fundamentalmente na Câmara dos Deputados, secundariamente no Senado Federal) os interesses da fração bancário-financeira. A escolha dos interesses examinados se fez a partir das edições do documento Agenda Legislativa do Sistema Financeiro , elaborada pela Confederação Nacional das Instituições Financeiras. Elencamos alguns temas e analisamos mais de cento e vinte projetos de lei apresentados durante o período dos governos Lula e Dilma (2003-2015). Também analisamos os discursos de deputados nos quais constassem algumas palavras-chave como sistema financeiro , lucro dos bancos , spread , cunha fiscal , Bradesco e Itaú . Os resultados a que chegamos demonstram que, os projetos contrários foram mais que o dobro dos favoráveis. Contudo, as taxas de aprovação dos projetos (contrários ou favoráveis) foram baixas quando apresentados pelo Legislativo e altas quando apresentados pelo Executivo. Em relação aos discursos há um claro predomínio de avaliações negativas sobre a fração bancário-financeira. Concluiu-se então que, corroborando teses anteriores, a fração bancário-financeira tem dificuldades para se legitimar no Legislativo, local onde outras classes e frações de classes estão presentes. O Executivo lhe confere maior guarida. Entretanto, se verifica também que a fração bancário-financeira tem se organizado e mobilizado em anos recentes para também se legitimar no Legislativo

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:55:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Edilson Montrose de Aguiar Junior.pdf: 1205352 bytes, checksum: 7a4b174f3861e06bff4ab9da85f55d30 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-25 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / From the state of the art of researches that say - using the theoretical framework developed by political scientist Nicos Poulantzas -, for the most part, the political hegemony within the power bloc in Brazil has been exercised by the banking and financial fraction. This hegemony, which began in the nineties, is maintained even during the Lula and Dilma governments. From this foundation, we sought to investigate how were appreciated in Congress (fundamentally the Chamber of Deputies, secondly in the Federal Senate) the interests of the banking and financial fraction. The choice of the examined interests was made from editions of the document Agenda of the Financial Sector , prepared by the National Confederation of Financial Institutions. We listed some topics and analyzed more than one hundred and twenty bills introduced during the period of Lula and Dilma governments (2003-2015). We also analyzed the speeches of deputies in which occurred keywords like financial system , bank profits , spread , tax wedge , Bradesco and Itaú . The obtained results show that the contrary projects were more than twice the favorable projects. However, the approval rates of projects (contrary or favorable) were low when presented by the Legislative and high when presented by the Executive. Regarding the speeches, there is a clear predominance of negative reviews about the banking and financial fraction. It was concluded then that, corroborating previous theories, the banking and financial fraction has difficulty to legitimize itself at the Legislative, where other classes and class fractions are present. The Executive gives it greater shelter. However, it is noticeable also that the banking and financial fraction has organized and mobilized itself in recent years to be legitimized at the Legislative too / O estado das artes das pesquisas que se utilizam do referencial teórico elaborado pelo cientista político Nicos Poulantzas, afirmam, em sua maioria, que a hegemonia política no interior do bloco no poder no Brasil tem sido exercida pela fração bancário-financeira. Esta hegemonia, iniciada nos anos noventa, mantém-se mesmo durante os governos Lula e Dilma. A partir deste embasamento buscou-se investigar como foram apreciados no Congresso Nacional (fundamentalmente na Câmara dos Deputados, secundariamente no Senado Federal) os interesses da fração bancário-financeira. A escolha dos interesses examinados se fez a partir das edições do documento Agenda Legislativa do Sistema Financeiro , elaborada pela Confederação Nacional das Instituições Financeiras. Elencamos alguns temas e analisamos mais de cento e vinte projetos de lei apresentados durante o período dos governos Lula e Dilma (2003-2015). Também analisamos os discursos de deputados nos quais constassem algumas palavras-chave como sistema financeiro , lucro dos bancos , spread , cunha fiscal , Bradesco e Itaú . Os resultados a que chegamos demonstram que, os projetos contrários foram mais que o dobro dos favoráveis. Contudo, as taxas de aprovação dos projetos (contrários ou favoráveis) foram baixas quando apresentados pelo Legislativo e altas quando apresentados pelo Executivo. Em relação aos discursos há um claro predomínio de avaliações negativas sobre a fração bancário-financeira. Concluiu-se então que, corroborando teses anteriores, a fração bancário-financeira tem dificuldades para se legitimar no Legislativo, local onde outras classes e frações de classes estão presentes. O Executivo lhe confere maior guarida. Entretanto, se verifica também que a fração bancário-financeira tem se organizado e mobilizado em anos recentes para também se legitimar no Legislativo

Par une analyse du discours de la théorie juridique serbe du XXe siècle, cette thèse contribue non seulement à la description des traits distincts de la pensée juridique serbe, mais aussi à la détermination de la possibilité de la réception des concepts libéraux par une société transitoire, dont la culture politique est bien différente de celle de la société occidentale. En ce sens, l’influence modeste de la théorie du droit social d’origine française indique le conservatisme de l’élite universitaire serbe, qui ne faisait pas confiance à la société et à ses capacités autonomes. Cette élite s’est rendu compte que la société serbe était toujours traditionaliste, patriarcale et pauvre en institutions civiles bien établies. C’est pourquoi l’idée libérale d’une société civile qui englobe l’État, et dont ce dernier n’est qu’une entité au service des citoyens, leur est connue, mais peu convaincante. Au contraire, leur programme libéral s’appuie sur l’idée de l’État de droit qui s’opposerait à l’énergie des masses populaires et, par ses institutions élitistes, présuppose la société des individus libres. Croyant fort à la société comme la source ultime de l’activité législative et judiciaire, les théories françaises du droit social ont lancé une idée inadmissible pour la théorie serbe: la domination de la société sur l’État. Cependant, cette aversion des théoriciens serbes vis-à-vis de la société autonome ne révèle pas seulement le manque de la tradition libérale dans leur pensée. Elle explique aussi les raisons d’une transplantation difficile des institutions démocratiques occidentales et, en général, d’une dure transition de la société post-communiste serbe. / The discourse analysis of the Serbian theory of law in the 20th century in the thesis contributes not only to the description of the distinctive features of the Serbian legal thought but also to the establishment of a possibility for the reception of liberal concepts by a society in transition, whose political culture differ from the western society. In that sense, a modest influence of the theory of social law of French origin indicates a conservatism of the Serbian university elite, who did not have faith in the Serbian society and its capacities. This elite was aware of the fact that the Serbian society was still traditionalistic, patriarchal and poor in the institutions of the civil society. Therefore, although they were familiar with the liberal idea of the civil society that includes the state, according to which the state is nothing else but a citizens’ service, it was unconvincing. On the contrary, their liberal program relied on the idea of the Legal state which would stand against the energy of the masses and which would put the existence of a society of free individuals before its elitist institutions. Firmly believing in the society as the final source of the legislative and judicial activity, these French theories of social law launched an idea which was unacceptable for the Serbian theory: the idea of the domination of the society over the state. Still, an aversion towards the autonomous society of Serbian theoreticians does not only reveal the lack of liberal tradition in there thought. It explains the causes of the problematic mapping of the western democratic institutions, but also a difficult transition of the Serbian post-communist society in general.

Did the new Bolivian Constitution of 2009 influence a change on its democratic model? The thesis of the article claims that as a result of how the Constitution elaboration process was carried out on a frame of certain historical conditions, the product elaborated –The Constitution- by the Constituent Assembly had little substantial change in contrast to former Constitutions. Historical constrains of the Bolivian economy and the polarization of the actors involved on the elaboration process of the new Constitution had a great influence to prevent a substantially different new one. Progressive’s elements were introduced as a matter of result of the Bolivian revolution as Human Rights, Plurinationality, and Regional Autonomies, but certain constitutional prerogatives remained unchanged to preserve the status quo. The presence of corporatists, rentist and statist actors has been a trend along Bolivian history, which does allow the reproduction of the internal political relationships of the Bolivian model and inhibits the possibility of a substantial change or re-foundation. Furthermore, the pos-contitutional situation will consolidate a democracy that hardly would break the historical constrains thatrules its hybrid character. / ¿La nueva Constitución Boliviana del 2009 motivó un cambio sustancial en su modelo democrático? La tesis del artículo argumenta que la poca variación sustancial en el producto elaborado –la Constitución- por la Asamblea Constituyente, en comparación a Constituciones anteriores, fue fruto de cómo se llevó a cabo el proceso de elaboración de la misma aunque se debe resaltar algunas consideraciones históricas. Las constricciones históricas de la economía boliviana así como la polarización de actores en la elaboración de la nueva Constitución tuvieron una gran influencia al impedir una refundación de la misma. Si bien hubo un gran recojo de elementos progresistas fruto de la revolución boliviana como Derechos Humanos, Plurinacionalidad y Autonomías Regionales, aún se mantuvieron ciertas prerrogativas constitucionales a actores que protegían el status quo. La presencia de actores corporativistas, rentistas y estatistas se ha mantenido a lo largo del tiempo, por lo que se permite la reproducción de las relaciones políticas internas del modelo boliviano y se inhibe la posibilidad de su reemplazo o refundación. Esto derivó en una situación posconstitucional que consolidará una democracia que dificultosamente podrá quebrar las ataduras de un pasado que condiciona su carácter híbrido.

Submitted by Luiz Eduardo Vidigal Lopes da Silva (luizeduardo@lopesdasilva.adv.br) on 2015-11-23T16:56:52Z No. of bitstreams: 1 LOPES_DA_SILVA_Contrato típico de concessão comercial-VF_deposito.pdf: 468693 bytes, checksum: a746933419f85a3ca46111ca62d8e721 (MD5) / Rejected by Renata de Souza Nascimento (renata.souza@fgv.br), reason: Luiz Eduardo, boa noite Devido às normas da ABNT, será necessário realizar alguns ajustes para que possamos aceitar seu trabalho. Segue abaixo: - O nome da Instituição na CAPA, deve constar somente: FUNDAÇÃO GETULIO VARGAS ESCOLA DE DIREITO DE SÃO PAULO (Getulio sem acentuação) - O título da dissertação deve estar em letras maiúsculas. - Verificar a ficha catalográfica. A ficha emitida pela biblioteca FGV, consta um código ao final do texto - (CDU). Após alterações, submeter novamente o trabalho. Att. on 2015-11-23T21:36:05Z (GMT) / Submitted by Luiz Eduardo Vidigal Lopes da Silva (luizeduardo@lopesdasilva.adv.br) on 2015-11-24T16:21:09Z No. of bitstreams: 1 LOPES_DA_SILVA_Contrato típico de concessão comercial-VF_deposito.pdf: 468421 bytes, checksum: d2818d1bdf07f0d3d179899c6f53a69b (MD5) / Rejected by Renata de Souza Nascimento (renata.souza@fgv.br), reason: Luiz, boa tarde Somente mais um detalhe, deixe o nome da Instituição no mesmo formato que estava anteriormente. Qualquer dúvida pode verificar o link com as normas da ABNT que consta no e-mail encaminhado anteriormente. Grata on 2015-11-24T16:42:35Z (GMT) / Submitted by Luiz Eduardo Vidigal Lopes da Silva (luizeduardo@lopesdasilva.adv.br) on 2015-11-24T16:48:59Z No. of bitstreams: 1 LOPES_DA_SILVA_Contrato típico de concessão comercial-VF_deposito.pdf: 468587 bytes, checksum: 5a8b6675eb173edd91d6d6dfd6ef9785 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Renata de Souza Nascimento (renata.souza@fgv.br) on 2015-11-24T16:55:21Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 LOPES_DA_SILVA_Contrato típico de concessão comercial-VF_deposito.pdf: 468587 bytes, checksum: 5a8b6675eb173edd91d6d6dfd6ef9785 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-11-24T17:15:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 LOPES_DA_SILVA_Contrato típico de concessão comercial-VF_deposito.pdf: 468587 bytes, checksum: 5a8b6675eb173edd91d6d6dfd6ef9785 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-10-30 / A partir de uma visão contemporânea do contrato o trabalho procurou, (i) reconstruir o marco teórico sobre qual se funda o contrato de concessão comercial no Brasil, registrando uma nota histórica sobre a criação da Lei nº 6.729/1979; (ii) avaliar a validade da lei estudada sob o enfoque do regime constitucional vigente; (iii) analisar o regime jurídico das convenções de marca previstas na lei e a utilização dessas convenções como mecanismos de incentivo de atuação dos concessionários dentro de suas respectivas áreas operacionais, conceituando-as; (iv) sugerir mecanismos de solução de conflitos decorrentes da atuação, pelos concessionários, fora de sua respectiva área operacional, especialmente a cláusula de mediação e arbitragem / From a contemporary view of the agrément this essay aim to, (i) rebuilding the theoretical landmark on which the commercial concession agreement is based in Brazil, registering a historic note on creation of the Law 6.729/79 (ii) appraising the validity of the Law studied from the point of view of the effective constitutional regime; (iii) analyzing the legal regime of the trademark conventions outlined in Law, and use of such conventions as incentive mechanisms for operation of the concessionaires within their respective operating areas, conceptualizing them; (iv) suggesting mechanisms for conflict settlement deriving from the operation, by the concessionaires, out of their respective operating area.

On September 24, 2011, it was announced that Putin would run for president once again in 2012. The reaction in the West was that ―the more things change, the more they stay the same.‖ The Western conception of the post-Cold War Russia is often one of remarkable consistency since the turn of the century. This Western narrative focuses on an autocratic Putin reigning over his resurgent and confrontational Russia. Does this narrative tell the story of Russia today, or does it instead obscure it? To answer this I have elected to analyze Russian identity and how it relates to Russia‘s foreign policy with Belarus, traditionally a close ally of Russia. Analyzing news articles from state-owned Russia Today, I look at changes in reporting and Russian identity over time. I argue that a shift in Russian identity towards a more liberal outlook between 2006 and 2010 motivated a degradation of relations with Belarus. I argue that once the simplified narrative of a resurgent Russia is peeled back, a closer look reveals competing identities and competing interest groups in Russia‘s domestic arena. Finally I conclude that not only does identity play a pivotal role in Russia‘s relations, but also that researching identity is important in that it gives us a window into a fairly closed regime that lies at the center of the global stage. Discovering how Russian identity reacts to and influences foreign policy can offer insight into the domestic framework of contemporary Russia, as well as offer us an understanding of how central ideas are to crafting the world around us