The thesis mainly studies social-historical co(n)texts to understand the polemic in Revelation against the so-called ‘Jews’ and a self-professed prophetess named ‘Jezebel’ (Rev 2-3). The enquiry centres on two areas: (1) the underlying issues to the polemic against the abovenamed contenders, and (2) a reading of a polemical technique in the text against prophetess ‘Jezebel’ through a specific web of associations involving two ‘Jezebels’ and a great harlot. Preliminary studies provide the framework for the main enquiry. ‘Historical anchorage’ is attained in the echoes/allusions of the beast from the sea-abyss to emperor Titus (Ch. 2) and the ‘Satanic trio’ and their cult (Rev 13) to the Flavian dynasty and cult (Ch. 3). A real crisis for Christians is seen late in Domitian’s time involving pressure from the Flavian provincial temple, widespread false accusations of άθεότηζ άσέβεια or maiestas and pressures from Domitian’s rigorous exaction of the Jewish tax. These matters are seen to implicate both Jewish and Gentile Christians (Ch. 4). The figure of the beasts, the social pressure from the imperial cult, and the vulnerability of Christians reflected in these preliminary studies contribute to a fuller understanding of the anti-Judaistic polemic. There are reasons to think that the anti-Judaistic polemic in Rev 2:9-10 and 3:9 is not aimed at the Jewish community per se, but acts to discourage Christians from feigning affiliation with the synagogue to escape social pressure from the imperial cult. There is a growing importance of the imperial cult towards the end of the first century C.E. in Asia Minor, and a judaizing tendency among some Christians there late first century and beyond. Importantly, Rev 14:9- 11 reflects the author’s major concern about (1) participation in the imperial cult and (2) Christian ‘judaizing’ behaviour (the mark of beast as tefillin worn by outsiders to Rabbinic Judaism). Under the author’s creative hand, the beast from the land/false prophet becomes the ‘Satanic’ source of pressure to these two aspects (cf. 13:11-17; Ch. 5). The second major part demonstrates a polemical technique in the text that binds the prophetess ‘Jezebel’ with an OT Queen and the Great Harlot (Rev 17-18). Social meals with drinking parties in guilds/associations and the imperial cult could have been a common context for allurements to sexual immorality and eating idol-food that ‘Jezebel’ advocates. I construct a picture of the prophetess ‘Jezebel’, who perhaps doubles as a patroness of a trade guild incorporating members from the Thyatiran church. Pagan ‘mysteries’ could have been a part of her activities (Ch. 6). I also examine the Great Harlot within the Graeco-Roman context giving attention to her depiction as tyrannical and sexually immoral queens and assimilated goddesses, such as Isis, Cybele, Aphrodite and Roma (Ch. 7). The OT Queen Jezebel is also studied within her social-historical context. She is seen to take on the image of the ‘woman at the window’ (2 Kgs 9:30), reflective of goddess Astarte or her temple servant. Her role as the ‘הבׂבג’ (great lady; 2 Kgs 10:13) and queen mother also fits that of another goddess, Asherah, whose prophets she hosts (Ch. 8). The destruction of Queen Jezebel and that of the Great Harlot contain a polemic against pagan deities they both embody. The prophetess veering into pagan grounds of idolatry is bound tightly with them and is indirectly castigated for her syncretistic practices (Ch. 9). Overall, the author’s polemic in Revelation acts to deter Christians from veering into the grounds of ‘Satan’—the imperial cult and the synagogue (as the author puts it)—and against behaviours, such as sexual license and eating food offered to idols, that would allow Christians to easily enter contexts involving pagan worship.

This thesis explores the life and reign of Julian the Apostate the man who ruled over the Roman Empire from A.D. 361-363. The study of Julian the Apostate’s reign has historically been eclipsed due to his clash with Christianity. After the murder of his family in 337 by his Christian cousin Constantius, Julian was sent into exile. These emotional experiences would impact his view of the Christian religion for the remainder of his life. Julian did have conflict with the Christians but his main goal in the end was the revival of ancient paganism and the restoration of the Empire back to her glory. The purpose of this study is to trace the education and experiences that Julian had undergone and the effects they it had on his reign. Julian was able to have both a Christian and pagan education that would have a lifelong influence on his reign. Julian’s career was a short but significant one. Julian restored the cities of the empire and made beneficial reforms to the legal, educational, political and religious institutions throughout the Empire. The pagan historians praised him for his public services to the empire while the Christians have focused on his apostasy and “persecution” of their faith. With his untimely death in Persia, Julian’s successor Jovian, reversed most of his previous reforms and as such left Julian as the last pagan emperor of the Roman Empire.

No description available.

La relation qu’entretint la divinité mithriaque avec le pouvoir impérial romain fut longtemps négligée du fait de la rareté des sources directes, ne donnant lieu, le plus souvent, qu’à quelques lignes dans les ouvrages généraux consacrés à Mithra. Si le mithriacisme romain fut avant tout un culte à mystères, à ses origines, il n’était pas que cela. Son succès en Perse reposa d’abord sur une manifestation publique utile au pouvoir politique, dont le plus auguste témoignage est Persépolis. Assurément, le mithriacisme romain fut étroitement lié à ses racines perses. Souvent niée, parfois minorée, cette origine fut au cœur d’une ouverture doctrinale des mystes ce qui explique l’hellénisation philosophique du mithriacisme et prépara, plus tard, le terrain du succès politique du christianisme. La cosmogonie mithriaque influença aussi mythes, cultes et philosophies gréco-romaines. Dès lors, à Rome, la tendance du mithriacisme à sortir du cadre mystérique pour mieux s’attacher au pouvoir apparaissait logique. Plus lisible aussi, fut la proximité cultuelle de Cybèle/Mithra avec le couple Anâhitâ/Mithra dont nous avons démontré la réalité jusqu’au Phrygianum Vaticanum. Parallèlement la fusion de Mithra et de la figure de Sol invictus, origine de la mutation de la relation qu’entretint le pouvoir romain avec Mithra devenait indéniable. Seuls Aurélien et Julien correspondirent véritablement aux critères élevés de la morale mithriaque. Mais ils ne pouvaient à eux seuls inverser un mouvement devenu inéluctable. Le IVe siècle apparaît alors, dans l’histoire mouvementée de la religion romaine, comme le tournant dramatique qui mit fin aux espérances des mithriastes de l’Occident. / The relationship between the mithraic divinity and Roman imperial power has long been neglected because of the scarcity of direct sources, only allowing for rare lines in general works devoted to Mithras. If Roman mithraism was indeed a religion of mysteries at its origins, it was not limited to that. Its success in Persia was above all based on a public demonstration useful to those holding political power, whose most majestic testimony is Persepolis. Undoubtedly, Roman mithraism was closely linked to its Persian roots. Often denied, sometimes underestimated, this origin explains followers’ openness towards other doctrinal influences, which led to the philosophical hellenization of Mithraism and later laid the groundwork for the political success of Christianity. Mithraic cosmogony also influenced Greco-Roman myths, cults and philosophies. From that time on, in Rome, the tendency of mithraism to go beyond the mysteric framework in order to strengthen its link to political authority appeared logical. We also demonstrated that the worship of Cybele/Mithra was associated with that of Anâhitâ/Mithra up to the Phrygianum Vaticanum. In parallel, the fusion of Mithra and the figure of Sol invictus, at the origin of the evolution of the relationship between Roman imperial authority and Mithras, became undeniable. Only Aurelian and Julian the Apostate, corresponded truly to the exacting criteria of mithraic morals. But they could not alone reverse a movement that had become inescapable. The fourth century appears then, in the turbulent history of Roman religion, as the dramatic turning point which put an end to the hopes of western mithriasts.

Diverse Vorüberlegungen resultieren in der Frage, ob nicht ein der Kaiserchronik inhärentes didaktisches Konzept die Sinnvermittlung bewirken soll. Dazu werden die Lehrinhalte der Kaiserchronik betrachtet. Als ein Neueinsatz in der Weise, wie Historie im literarischen volkssprachigen Medium präsentiert wird, kann die in der Caesargeschichte der Kaiserchronik zu bemerkende Doppelung der Handlung gewertet werden. Am Beispiel der Geschichten Konstantins und Karls kann aufgezeigt werden, wie der Dialog die Struktur und Erzählweise des Textes dominiert. Im Hinblick auf die erste Bayrische Fortsetzung der Kaiserchronik, möchte ich von einem progressiven Intertextualitätsverständnis sprechen, das den Quellenbezug nicht überbewertet, sondern sich auf die Einbettung des von einem Prätext entliehenen Kontexts in den neu zu konzipierenden Text konzentriert. In der Continuatio macht sich dieser progressive Intertextualitätsbegriff insofern bemerkbar, als der Prätext nicht unreflektiert übernommen wird, sondern zuerst an ihm und dann mit ihm weitergearbeitet wird. / With regard to the construction of sense in the Chronicle of Emperors, an inherent didactic concept can be detected. New presentation techniques of the literary medium of the 12th century like a hero`s two-fold adventure pathway to maturity allow for more complex views of the well-known Caesar tales. On the other hand, dialogue is still dominant as a rhetorical means as structure and narration of the Charlemagne and the Constantine tales disclose. As a final aspect, the Continuatio, the first Bavarian continuation of the Chronicle of Emperors, is under scrutiny. The progressive concept of intertextuality concentrates on the new text, not entirely ignoring the original text, but rather embedding old context in new surroundings.

Le prêtre Youssef Al-Musawwer est un peintre melkite alépin du XVIIe siècle qui aurait été initié à la peinture postbyzantine à l’étranger dans une région grecque qui demeure difficile à identifier. Il est le chef d’une descendance de peintres qui s’est poursuivie sans discontinuité jusqu’à la fin du XVIIIe siècle. Son œuvre s’inscrit dans le cadre de la renaissance littéraire du patriarcat melkite d’Antioche. Il était à la fois traducteur, copiste, miniaturiste et peintre d’icônes. Nous comptons dix-sept icônes et cinq manuscrits enluminés de Youssef Al-Musawwer. Notre étude a démontré l’attachement de Youssef Al-Musawwer aux œuvres crétoises conservatrices qui remontent aux XVe-XVIe siècles et qui s’éloignent des influences de la Renaissance italienne. Il s'est également inspiré des modèles iconographiques du Nord de la Grèce, de la peinture arménienne et ottomane ainsi que des ouvrages imprimés occidentaux. Youssef Al-Musawwer eut recours à l’hagiographie et à la liturgie pour créer de nouvelles compositions iconographiques. Il n’était pas par conséquent un peintre imitateur et passif. Ses compositions iconographiques, ses connaissances linguistiques ainsi que ses vastes compétences théologiques et liturgiques font de lui un éminent humaniste du XVIIe siècle qui a marqué l’Église melkite. / Yusuf Al-Musawwer is a Melkite painter and priest from the 17th century. He might have been initiated to Postbyzantine painting abroad in a Greek region that remains difficult to identify. He is the first of a family of painters who continued his path without discontinuity until the end of the 18th century. His work is part of the literary revival of the Melkite patriarchate of Antioch. He was a translator, a copyist, a miniaturist and a painter of icons. Seventeen icons and five illuminated manuscripts realized by Yusuf Al-Musawwer have survived. Our study has demonstrated Yusuf Al-Musawwer's attachment to Cretan conservative works dating back to the 15th-16th centuries and which moved away from the influences of the Italian Renaissance. He was also inspired by the iconographic models of Northern Greece, Armenian and Ottoman painting, as well as Western printed books. Yusuf Al-Musawwer was inspired by hagiography and liturgy to create new iconographic compositions. Therefore, he was not an imitative, passive painter. His iconographic compositions, his linguistic knowledge, and his vast theological and liturgical skills made him an eminent 17th century humanist who marked the Melkite Church.

Doctorat en philosophie et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Im neunten Buch von Lucans Bellum civile übernimmt Cato der Jüngere den durch Pompeius´ Ermordung in Ägypten vakant gewordenen Oberbefehl über die bei Pharsalos von Caesar geschlagenen pompejanischen Truppen. Cato versucht die republikanische Verfassung vor dem Tyrannen Caesar zu retten. Aus dem verbrecherischen Bürgerkrieg zweier Despoten, Pompeius und Caesar, ist somit ein bellum iustum geworden (9, 292-293). Nachdem Cato Pompeius durch eine laudatio funebris die letzte Ehre erwiesen hat (9, 190-214), besteht er eine Reihe von Bewährungsproben und erweist sich als idealer Feldherr. Zur Charakterisierung Catos greift Lucan verschiedene literarische Traditionen auf. Cato übertrifft den homerischen Odysseus (9, 294-299. 388-389) und Alexander den Großen (9, 268-269. 493-510. 564-586); er entspricht in vollkommener Weise dem Feldherrenideal, wie es sich bei den römischen Historikern der Republik (Sallust; Livius) findet (9,294-296. 379-406. 587-593). Zentrum und Höhepunkt des neunten Buchs stellt Lucans Bewertung Catos in 9, 587-604 dar. Die Triumphzüge des Pompeius und des Marius sind geringer einzuschätzen als die Leistung Catos, obwohl er schließlich Caesar unterliegt. Entsprechend der stoischen Ethik bemißt sich der Wer einer Leistung nicht nach dem äußeren Erfolg -dieser hängt allein von der Fortuna ab- , sondern nach der vorbehaltlosen Erfüllung des moralisch Gebotenen. Für den Erhalt der Republik ist Cato in den Tod gegangen; er ist mulitärischer Held und pater patriae; er verdient göttliche Verehrung.Die stoische Moralphilosphie ist Kern der Poetik Lucans; daneben greift er jedoch auch auf andere stoische Theoreme zurück. Vor allem die Naturschilderungen (9, 303-318. 420-420-444. 444-492) lehnen sich an stoische Lehre an. Zuweilen finden sich auch Rückgriffe auf Lucrez (9, 76-77. 315-318. 471-472). Lucan ist poeta doctus; er gibt eine wissenschaftlich-rationale Weltdeutung.Der Stil Lucans ist geprägt durch das Paradox und die Sentenz. Dem Leser wird auf diese Weise die Ungerechtigkeit des Schicksals vor Augen geführt, das es zugelassen hat, daß Rom unter die Herrschaft von Tyrannen geraten ist. Lucan beabsichtigt die Empörung seiner Leser hervorzurufen und ermuntert sie, gegen die Kaiser Widerstand zu leisten.

This thesis deals with portraiture of roman emperors on their statues and coins during the 3rd and 4th century. It begins with accession of military emperors and ends by Constantinian dynasty. The thesis tries to describe the changes in roman imperial portrait and determine its clearer roadmap. Main influences for roman imperial portraits are found together with milestones within the roadmap. It primarily focuses on individual attributes in the portrait and attempts to define ability to identify emperors themselves. Also, it tries to describe the extent to which these attributes influence the ability to identify the emperor on the statue or on the coin. Moreover, the thesis aims to connect imperial propaganda and portrait of the emperor. Finally, the thesis contains brief historical overview of this era. KEYWORDS: Roman Empire, Roman coins, Roman sculpture, portrait, the Military Emperors, crisis, Gallic Roman Empire, principate, dominate, tetrarchy, Gallienus, Aurelianus, Probus, Diocletianus, Constantinus, Julianus Apostata

Les bouleversements politiques et intellectuels provoqués par l’avènement du principat augustéen entraînent sous le Haut Empire une redéfinition des buts et des fonctions assignés à la formation intellectuelle de l’élite romaine et occidentale. Le développement de l’éloquence judiciaire et épidictique au détriment de l’éloquence politique modifie l’enseignement traditionnel de la rhétorique, tandis que la pratique philosophique prend de plus en plus de place au sein de la société et favorise le développement de son enseignement. Ces changements suscitent chez plusieurs auteurs des Ier et IIe siècles apr. J. C. des réflexions sur la manière d’améliorer l’enseignement rhétorique et philosophique alors que diverses initiatives sont prises pour organiser à l’échelle de l’Empire la diffusion de ces savoirs. Notre travail se propose d’examiner, en se concentrant sur les acteurs du système éducatif – professeurs et étudiants –, la façon dont cette formation intellectuelle se développe sous le Haut Empire dans les régions latinophones et de dresser une cartographie de l’enseignement de la rhétorique et de la philosophie en acquérant une connaissance concrète de ces personnages, par l’examen de leurs origines géographique et sociale et de leurs mobilités. Cette dimension réaliste se double d’une étude de la représentation de ces deux groupes dans la littérature impériale. Une attention particulière est portée à la question de la formation des futurs empereurs, dont la vie est richement documentée, afin de déterminer si la description de leur éducation est altérée par le souvenir qu’ils ont laissé de leur règne. / The political and intellectual upheavals caused by the advent of Augustus’ Principate result, in the Early Empire, in a new definition of the aims and functions assigned to the intellectual training of the Roman and Western elite. The development of judiciary and epidictic eloquence at the expense of political eloquence modifies traditional rhetorical teaching whereas philosophical learning is gaining importance within society thus favouring the teaching itself of philosophy. These changes bring several 100 and 200 A.D. authors to reflect upon the way of improving rhetorical and philosophical teaching. Meanwhile various initiatives are taken to spread these forms of knowledge throughout the Empire. By focusing on those who are in charge of the educational system – teachers and students – our research offers to examine how intellectual training develops in the Latin speaking regions in the Early Empire and to draw a map of rhetorical and philosophical teaching while getting to know these characters concretely through the study of their geographical and social backgrounds together with their mobility. Such realistic aspect goes with a survey of the representations of the two groups in imperial literature. Emphasis is laid in particular on the question of the education of the future emperors the documentation of whose lives is rich in order to examine whether the description of their education is altered by the memory that remains of their reign.