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<p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>For a long time Iceland, the Nordic and the EFTA countries had a skeptical attitude against the EU, even if their economic interests was in favour to join EU. The study use rationalist’s approaches to explain the willingness of these states movement to the European integrate. This thesis seeks to analyze the Icelandic way to the EU membership application, by describing earlier Nordic and EFTA member states reorientations to the EU membership. The similar experiences from Sweden, Finland and Norway compare the Icelandic case. The used method is qualitative studies of literature and the main material is overarching policy documents from the government of Iceland.</p><p>To conclude the study, all countries experience security, political and economic difficulties to join an integration system. After the serious damages from the global financial crisis 2008, Iceland expected higher economic benefits. Iceland understood, it could for the future secure its economical interests by joining the EU. Iceland became less stubborn toward EU and one effect of this kindness was to act rational by launching out its eagerly awaited EU membership application.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Keywords: EU, EFTA, Iceland, enlargement, European policy, Global financial crisis</strong></p>

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Tato práce pojednává o postoji Rakouska k rozšíření Evropské unie o Turecko. Rakousko patří v rámci Evropské unie k euroskeptickým zemím, což se odráží i v postoji k dalšímu rozšiřování. Zejména negativně se Rakousko staví k rozšíření Evropské unie o Turecko. Tento negativní vztah je dán jednak historickými vztahy mezi oběma zeměmi, negativními zkušenostmi s tureckou menšinou v Rakousku a charakterem volebních kampaní rakouských politických stran.

Tato práce pojednává o postoji Rakouska k rozšíření Evropské unie o Turecko. Rakousko patří v rámci Evropské unie k euroskeptickým zemím, což se odráží i v postoji k dalšímu rozšiřování. Zejména negativně se Rakousko staví k rozšíření Evropské unie o Turecko. Tento negativní vztah je dán jednak historickými vztahy mezi oběma zeměmi, negativními zkušenostmi s tureckou menšinou v Rakousku a charakterem volebních kampaní rakouských politických stran.

On 5 June 2017, the Prime Minister of Montenegro, Duško Marković, deposited the instrument of accession to the North Atlantic Treaty of Montenegro in Washington DC, making the accession of this country to the Atlantic Alliance official. Montenegro, one of the smallest of the post-Yugoslav Western Balkans republics, was thus welcomed into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization as its 29th member. This thesis analyzes the process Montenegro has been undergoing throughout its path to NATO accession and the underlying conditions which have impacted this process. It argues that the relationship between Montenegro and NATO, which started in the early 2000's and has been revolving primarily on the integration process, which started soon after the independence of the country in 2006. This integration process has profoundly modified the security and defense sectors in Montenegro, has impacted the politics of the country and is embedded within what has been a larger strategic approach of NATO to the Western Balkans and Central and Eastern Europe in general. The Montenegrin integration process, as analyzed in this thesis, is considered to have revolved around three dynamics. The first has been an endogenous dynamic linked to the political attitude of the Montenegrin Government since the 1990's which has put...

The Dayton Peace Agreement was signed in 1995, which effectively ended the war in Bosnian and established a decentralized state. This divisive nature of this framework encourages the political elite and decision makers to place a greater importance upon preserving political power, rather than making meaningful institutional changes. They consistently instrumentalize interthnic fears as a means to gain popular support at the expense of the country's development. The inability to cooperate has led to political stalemate and contributed to low level of progress in many sectors. Nonetheless, the possibility of accession to NATO remains open if the criteria for membership are satisfied. The international community bears the responsibility of integrating Bosnia and Herzegovina because of its strategic importance and the potential threats that can develop if political tensions escalate into an armed conflict. The recent accession of Montenegro and North Macedonia to NATO proves the doors remains open for aspiring countries that show the political will to deepen their relationship with the Alliance. Bosnia has made remarkable transformations in its security and defense sector, though it must resolve the current issues that impeded its Euro-Atlantic aspirations.

This thesis mainly analyses the change in the enlargement strategy of the European Union (EU) especially in the case of Turkey. Although the Union has always sought ways to enlarge, it has been rather reluctant as far as accepting Turkey as a full member into the EU is concerned. In 2004, the EU enlarged so as to include the Central and East European countries (CEECs), but Romania and Bulgaria were left behind since they did not fulfill the membership criteria at the time. However, these two countries became members on January 1, 2007 and Turkey is still waiting in the line to become a member. Therefore, the writer has chosen Turkey and Bulgaria in order to analyze the change in the enlargement strategy of the Union. The medium to arrive at conclusions as regards the strategy is mainly the environmental aid as the two countries display noticeable differences. Furthermore, the enlargement strategy papers prepared by the European Commission have also been analyzed in order to see the changing attitude of the EU especially by re-introducing the concept of absorption capacity. Even though the Union states it keeps its open door to new members, the new enlargement strategy proves that it will be rather difficult for the candidate states and especially Turkey to enter into the EU.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / The purpose of this study is to determine how post-Cold War NATO allies have contributed to transatlantic relations, both in times of crisis and in times of harmony. Their contribution, although less significant when compared to long-time members' military capabilities, takes various forms. Their support in times of disagreement among allies over the Iraq 2002-2003 issue proved to be more valuable than was anticipated. Therefore, my research is an introspective look at the events that marked NATO's evolution during the last fifteen years and their implications for NATO members as units and for traditional transatlantic relations as a whole. Successive NATO enlargements proved that each decision to add new members reflected NATO's priorities at that particular moment. Whether it was a pre-Cold War enlargement or a post-Cold War enlargement, the decision reflected NATO's interests. Some of the decisions were predominantly military; some were in accordance with the international order established after World War II. The post-Cold War enhancements had two major characteristics: the first enlargement was more symbolic than the second because it erased the artificial lines set by Yalta, whereas the second one was much more practical. The geo-strategic position of the NATO candidates and their willingness to join, prior to their formal invitation, were favorable factors, and the decisions made regarding membership proved to have long-term, positive consequences. New NATO members, particularly Romania, appreciated their new status and participated actively in both NATO operations and in "coalition of the willing". Their equal participation in NATO-led operations and coalitions made a palpable contribution to both NATO and to the transatlantic relations. / International Civilian, Romanian Ministry of National Defense