<p>In this paper corruption in Bosnia and Herzegovina has been studied to investigate to what extent corruption inhibits Bosnia and Herzegovina’s possibilities of integrating with EU.</p><p>The overarching research question is how occurrence of various types and forms of corruption affect the possibilities of Bosnia and Herzegovina to fulfill the criteria negotiated by the EU. In order to undertake this exploration the study uses typologies to identify and categorize the various forms of corruption that exist in Bosnia and Herzegovina and theories about the impact of these forms of corruption. After that these forms of corruption are analyzed in relation to their impact on the various political and economic criteria that are set for integration and membership in EU, such as independent justice system and the acceleration of the privatization process.</p><p>The results show that corruption in Bosnia and Herzegovina represents a major obstacle to several of the criteria set by the EU and thereby integration with EU. Even though that these priorities are told to be set with realistic goals these priorities will be difficult to fulfill with such widespread corruption as in Bosnia and Herzegovina today.</p>

In this paper, we study the employment of workers from Central, Eastern and Southeastern European (CESEE) EU Member States in Austria after the Eastern enlargement of the European Union. To prevent a sudden rush of immigrants into the labor market, Austria opted for a Transition period during which immigration remained restricted. We will show that these restrictions had the anticipated effect; while the stock of workers from the new CESEE Member States increased slowly in Austria during the transition period, the trend became markedly steeper after the introduction of free labor market access. Between 2003 and 2016, the stock of workers from CESEE EU Member States in Austria increased fourfold by about 185,000 individuals. The largest immigrant groups are from Hungary, Romania and Poland. A large share of migrant workers are employed in seasonal industries and in border regions closest to their home countries.

This text deals with croatian admission process to the EU. The objective is to find out whether Croatia meets political part of the Copenhagen criteria. First part is concerned with croatian political developement since the break-up of Yugoslavia. Second part deals with EU approach to the region of Western Balkan concerning process of enlargement and association. Last part describes admission negotiations between Croatia and EU including assessment of meeting political part of Copenhagen criteria.

The European Parliament (EP) and the Council of Europe (CoE) are two internationally renowned organisations sharing a common goal of progressing human rights action and social cohesion within their respective member states. At the point of data collection (early 2007) both organisations were undergoing a period of significant change. Various Southern and Eastern European nations had been given their first opportunity to participate in the official European bodies thus increasing the member states of the EP to 25 and the CoE to 46. Access to the large secretariats of these organisations provided a unique opportunity to explore the organizational and individual implications of European Enlargement amongst employees from the widest possible range of European nations. With a firm grounding in the Diversity Management literature, this research also examines how the public discourse from official representatives of the EP and CoE on the topic of European Enlargement relates to individual and collective experiences within the organisation's own workforce. The impact of European Enlargement on day-to-day workplace experiences of employees within the secretariats was explored through two studies that were sequentially linked. The first study involved semi-structured interviews with key Human Resource personnel in each organisation (n = 20). The interview data was subjected to thematic analysis and the emergent themes were used to form the basis of the questions for the second study, which consisted of 22 focus groups (n = 88). Thematic analysis was again used to analyse the data, and a matrix analysis indicated that there were differences in experiences according to employees' gender, European region of origin and level within the organizational hierarchy. There were also differences between the two organizations. A third study involved the analysis of press articles on the topic of European Enlargement written by representatives of each organization; these were selected from the same time period as the interview and focus group data collection phases. The underlying assumptions and values about European Enlargement were explored through a critical discourse analysis of these texts. Discourses identified included: a) a discourse of power and subordination in which the position of the supranational organisations is assumed to be a part of the 'natural' order; b) a discourse of difference which betrays the assumption that 'west-is-best' and that inclusion is commensurate with dissolving rather than valuing difference and c) a discourse of paternalism in which the CoE and the EU are conceptualized as 'families', with Member States positioned as offspring who need to be kept under control by their authoritarian fathers, the institutional authorities. A comparison of the way in which the discourses identified were reflected in the organizational experiences related in studies 1 and 2 revealed that there was a high degree of overlap between the external discourse and internal experiences, though some notable differences were also identified. It is clear that the findings have major organizational and individual implications. Firstly, a division in women's equality agenda is indicated; whilst Western women press for more equality initiatives and Eastern women argue for fewer, the competing needs of these two groups are not going to be simultaneously met. Secondly, competition is created between men, with Eastern men aspiring to reach the envious position enjoyed by Western men. Furthermore, the backlash against gender equality initiatives, previously seen in the UK and other western nations in the 1980s, is given a new, Eastern European voice. It is also apparent that the content of an organizations publicly available discourse may well impact on employees' experiences within that organization. This leads to the conclusion that organizations have a responsibility to explore the assumptions and values that they are consciously and unconsciously promoting, not only for the benefit of the wider public but for the wellbeing of their own employees.

This paper aims to see whether the EU enlargement was associated with positive, negative or non-effect on Poland’s economic growth. To be able to answer this question we use the econometric method, time series with data from 1997 to 2018. The determinants of economic growth in Poland are set of variables selected based on previous studies in the same field of our study. The findings of this study shows that there is no significant relationship between economic growth and the EU enlargement in the case of Poland. The result of our regressions did not demonstrate similar result of previous study which we believe are due to the small number of observation used in our models. However, if our findings reflect the economic reality in Poland, then this can open up a new strand of further research.

No description available.

Following the Russian invasion of Ukraine, EU enlargement has regained prominence on the EU agenda. I examine the politicisation of enlargement and arguments for and against enlargement in two debates in the European parliament conducted in November 2023. This is done with a postfunctionalist outlook, expecting that polarisation on the subject will shape along the identity axis. I find that the two debates lack polarisation and can thus not be seen as very politicized. In accordance with postfunctionalist integration theory, I do however note that most traditional and authoritarian parties oppose enlargement. Previous research shows that a member of the European parliament’s nationality also affects positions on enlargement, in combination with the cultural axis. When also taking this into consideration, the understanding of what shapes opinions on enlargement is refined.  The argumentation analysis of the debates shows that opinions that favor enlargement in the debates often stem from a geopolitical urge of positioning the EU against Russia. Opinions that argue against enlargement are mostly concerned about the own country’s payments to the EU budget. This finding leads to a suggestion that more research should be done on how the status as net contributor or net beneficiary to the EU budget shapes opinions on enlargement.

Begreppen regionförstoring, lokal arbetsmarknad samt pendling är centrala både för denna studie och den regionala samt lokala planeringen som idag genomförs. När större lokala arbetsmarknader bildas genom regionförstoringen så ökar kravet på arbetskraften gällande mobilitet och pendling. Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka hur regionförstoringen har påverkat den lokala arbetsmarknaden i Örebro län, för att göra detta kommer studien även undersöka hur förändringar gällande regionförstoring och pendling har sett ut över tid inom Örebro län. För att konsekvenserna av regionförstoringen ska kunna sättas i en lokal kontext så kommer Askersunds kommuns förhållande till Örebro regions lokala arbetsmarknad att diskuteras. Studien visar även på hur begreppet regionförstoring används nationellt samt internationellt, detta för att skapa förståelse för begreppets uppkomst samt användning. Denna studie är kvalitativ och innehåller intervjuer med kollektivtrafikchefen på Region Örebro Län, utvecklingsdirektören på Region Örebro Län samt utvecklingschefen i Askersunds kommun. De frågor som ställts behandlar de problem och utmaningar kopplat till regionförstoring, pendling och förhållandet till den lokala arbetsmarknaden som de olika tjänstepersonerna ställs inför. Studiens slutsatser visar på att regionförstoringen, den lokala arbetsmarknaden i Örebro län samt pendling är fenomen som inte bara påverkar varandra utan snarare koexisterar. Regionförstoringen har i Örebro län bidragit till skapandet av en större lokal arbetsmarknad, något som i sin tur leder till ökad ekonomisk tillväxt för Örebro region samtidigt som arbetskraften får en ökad tillgång till arbetstillfällen. Regionförstoringen är dock inte enbart positiv, utan kan även leda till ökade sociala och ekonomiska skillnader mellan Örebro läns invånare. Av denna anledning tar studien upp hur regionförstoringen i Örebro län ska kunna ske på ett hållbart sätt. Vidare tas även frågan om distansarbete upp i studien, detta för att se vilken påverkan denna arbetsform kan ha haft på regionförstoringen samt pendlingsmönster. Slutsatserna förstärker främst den tidigare forskningen som finns inom området samtidigt som de ger en bild över hur regionförstoringen och pendlingsmönster ter sig inom Örebro län.

This thesis deals with the discussions on the ‘Normative Power Europe’ thesis, EU enlargement, conditionality and compliance, and the extent to which rational and ideational forces are mutually exclusive in this context. Through a qualitative case study of Turkey, it will investigate to what extent the EU can be seen as possessing and exercising normative power through its enlargement policy. The findings, based on fieldwork conducted in Istanbul during April 2013, suggest that rather than being mutually exclusive, rational and normative processes occur simultaneously and independently, sometimes even reinforcing each other.

Why, despite the territorial fragmentation and unresolved conflicts in both countries, does NATO maintain a public commitment to a 2008 decision promising the future membership of Ukraine and Georgia? It can be argued that the "Bucharest decision" has prompted the very attack that NATO membership was meant to prevent. Russia has invaded both states to, among other things, prevent their likely incorporation in NATO. What causes publicly articulated military alliance policy aspirations to endure when they induce such geopolitical conflict, and geopolitical transformation, that it undermines their purpose? This dissertation takes these puzzles as its object of inquiry. The focus of the study is Ukraine and Georgia's partial integration into NATO from 2007 to 2020. This research uses the concepts of robust action and rhetorical action to examine the two countries' growing partnerships with the alliance during this period. It defines robust action as a series of ambiguous moves to achieve tactical goals while maintaining long term flexibility. Rhetorical action is defined as the strategic use of arguments to serve an agent's interests. By using a narrative analysis method, the study draws from a body of NATO official texts and speeches and a set of original interviews to illustrate the public and private narratives used by political and military officials to help them make sense of NATO's engagement with Ukraine and Georgia. Existing literature on NATO expansion has not addressed how the alliance has adapted the process of integrating aspirant countries short of membership. Moreover, the literature on robust action has not focused on how international security organizations like NATO can use ambiguous actions to tackle complex challenges and maintain flexibility. The study argues that NATO's engagement with Ukraine and Georgia since Bucharest constitutes a robust action strategy. Through a combination of rhetorical and material support, NATO has simultaneously been able to maintain the appearance of a commitment to the two countries, show Western resolve and solidarity in opposing Russia and sustaining the United States' preferred vision of Europe's security order, all while denying Ukraine and Georgia "full membership" in the alliance. Ukraine, Georgia, and their allies in NATO have used rhetorical action, arguments based on the self-defined liberal values and norms of the Euro-Atlantic community that NATO represents on the one hand, and the historical precedent of an open door policy toward membership, on the other, to rhetorically entrap NATO into staying committed. The study shows how multilateral commitments are more layered than the traditional membership/no membership choice and how NATO has been able to successfully maintain such a commitment through both rhetoric and action while avoiding a direct war with Russia. It concludes however that NATO's commitment is untenable for a military alliance based on defense and deterrence. This has implications for the future of NATO expansion and the overall trajectory of the alliance. / Doctor of Philosophy / The possibility of further expanding NATO to Ukraine and Georgia has been among the alliance's greatest challenges since the 2008 Bucharest summit decision, which promised the future membership of the two countries. Many accounts tend to focus on the original motivation behind the decision rather than NATO's practice of maintaining a commitment to such a decision in the light of the unresolved conflicts and territorial fragmentation of both states. This study, by contrast, examines the rhetoric and action in the making of the two countries' deepening partnerships with NATO since Bucharest. This research examines how through a set of ambiguous rhetoric and action NATO has been able to maintain the appearance of a commitment to Ukraine and Georgia, project Western resolve against Russian opposition, and sustain the United States' preferred vision of the European security order, all while denying the two countries membership in the alliance. Moreover, the advocates for Ukraine and Georgia use arguments based on NATO's identity, values, and the precedent of prior expansions to convince the alliance into staying committed to their eventual membership. The study shows how NATO has devised a formula for integrating aspirant members, short of "full membership." It is useful because it shows how, in practice, multilateral commitments are more layered than they are traditionally understood. While NATO has been able to successfully maintain this commitment through both rhetoric and action, such a commitment clashes with important qualities of adaptability and flexibility to changing strategic realities, crucial to the endurance of a military alliance over the long term.