<p>This dissertation deals with the period bridging the era of extreme housing shortages in Stockholm on the eve of industrialisation and the much admired programmes of housing provision that followed after the second world war, when Stockholm district Vällingby became an example for underground railway-serviced ”new towns”. It is argued that important changes were made in the housing and town planning policy in Stockholm in this period that paved the way for the successful ensuing period. Foremost among these changes was the uniquely developed practice of municipal leaseholding with the help of site leasehold rights (<i>Erbbaurecht</i>).</p><p>The study is informed by recent developments in Foucauldian social research, which go under the heading ’governmentality’. Developments within urban planning are understood as different solutions to the problem of urban order. To a large extent, urban and housing policies changed during the period from direct interventions into the lives of inhabitants connected to a liberal understanding of housing provision, to the building of a disciplinary city, and the conduct of ’governmental’ power, building on increased activity on behalf of the local state to provide housing and the integration and co-operation of large collectives. Municipal leaseholding was a fundamental means for the implementation of this policy.</p><p>When the new policies were introduced, they were limited to the outer parts of the city and administered by special administrative bodies. This administrative and spatial separation was largely upheld throughout the period, and represented as the parallel building of a ’social’ outer city, while things in the inner ’mercantile’ city proceeded more or less as before. This separation was founded in a radical difference in land holding policy: while sites in the inner city were privatised and sold at market values, land in the outer city was mostly leasehold land, distributed according to administrative – and thus politically decided – priorities.</p><p>These differences were also understood and acknowledged by the inhabitants. Thorough studies of the local press and the organisational life of the southern parts of the outer city reveals that the local identity was tightly connected with the representations connected to the different land holding systems. Inhabitants in the south-western parts of the city, which in this period was still largely built on private sites, displayed a spatial understanding built on the contradictions between centre and periphery. The inhabitants living on leaseholding sites, however, showed a clear understanding of their position as members of model communities, tightly connected to the policy of the municipal administration. The organisations on leaseholding sites also displayed a deep co-operation with the administration. As the analyses of election results show, the inhabitants also seemed to have felt a greater degree of integration with the society at large, than people living in other parts of the city. The leaseholding system in Stockholm has persisted until today and has been one of the strongest in the world, although the local neo-liberal politicians are currently disposing it off.</p>

This dissertation deals with the period bridging the era of extreme housing shortages in Stockholm on the eve of industrialisation and the much admired programmes of housing provision that followed after the second world war, when Stockholm district Vällingby became an example for underground railway-serviced ”new towns”. It is argued that important changes were made in the housing and town planning policy in Stockholm in this period that paved the way for the successful ensuing period. Foremost among these changes was the uniquely developed practice of municipal leaseholding with the help of site leasehold rights (Erbbaurecht). The study is informed by recent developments in Foucauldian social research, which go under the heading ’governmentality’. Developments within urban planning are understood as different solutions to the problem of urban order. To a large extent, urban and housing policies changed during the period from direct interventions into the lives of inhabitants connected to a liberal understanding of housing provision, to the building of a disciplinary city, and the conduct of ’governmental’ power, building on increased activity on behalf of the local state to provide housing and the integration and co-operation of large collectives. Municipal leaseholding was a fundamental means for the implementation of this policy. When the new policies were introduced, they were limited to the outer parts of the city and administered by special administrative bodies. This administrative and spatial separation was largely upheld throughout the period, and represented as the parallel building of a ’social’ outer city, while things in the inner ’mercantile’ city proceeded more or less as before. This separation was founded in a radical difference in land holding policy: while sites in the inner city were privatised and sold at market values, land in the outer city was mostly leasehold land, distributed according to administrative – and thus politically decided – priorities. These differences were also understood and acknowledged by the inhabitants. Thorough studies of the local press and the organisational life of the southern parts of the outer city reveals that the local identity was tightly connected with the representations connected to the different land holding systems. Inhabitants in the south-western parts of the city, which in this period was still largely built on private sites, displayed a spatial understanding built on the contradictions between centre and periphery. The inhabitants living on leaseholding sites, however, showed a clear understanding of their position as members of model communities, tightly connected to the policy of the municipal administration. The organisations on leaseholding sites also displayed a deep co-operation with the administration. As the analyses of election results show, the inhabitants also seemed to have felt a greater degree of integration with the society at large, than people living in other parts of the city. The leaseholding system in Stockholm has persisted until today and has been one of the strongest in the world, although the local neo-liberal politicians are currently disposing it off.

Kort beskrivelse av prosjektet: Oppgaven har vært å tegne et samlingshus for et antall omgivende videregående skoler. Ved å sentralisere ulike funksjoner som bibliotek, sosiale arealer og matsal fungerer huset som et felles læresenter for elevene.  I en tidlig fase fant jeg ut at jeg ville fokusere på å gjøre huset tilgjengelig for offentligheten slik at det ikke blir stående tomt utenom skoletidene. Dette ville jeg uttrykke både i form og i tolking av programmet. Så hvordan viser man at en bygning er åpen for alle i form? Jeg valgte å ta inspirasjon fra det mest offentlige jeg kjenner til, nemlig det offentlige rommet. Det jeg anser som spesielt med dette er at rommet bare fortsetter og fortsetter og består ikke av stengte vegger som man ofte finner i konvensjonelle bygninger. Ved å la gulvet være sammenhengende gjennom hele huset oppnås et interiør som jeg tror kan oppfattes som et offentlig rom. Jeg forsterket denne opplevelsen ved å koble gulvet til fjellet som grenser til tomten og huset ble dermed en offentlig vei per definisjon.  Hvordan fungerer interiøret? En utfordring har vært å definere rom når konseptet er at det skal være helt åpent. Derfor har jeg valgt ut fire parametere for å definere funksjonene: Møbler, et flatt gulv, dobbel takhøyde og til slutt det stengte rommet (se diagram, romdefineringer, s. 5). Hvilken rolle spiller programmet i konseptet? Flere av funksjonene i programmet var hva man ofte tenker på som soner kun for ansatte, som for eksempel administrasjon, rengjøring og kjøkken Jeg valgte å utfordre denne ideen og gjøre det slik at disse funksjonene ble tilgjengelige for folk flest. Gjennom et internt bookingsystem kan selv de som ikke er elever anvende huset og dets muligheter. For eksempel kan man booke, utenom skoletider, kjøkkenet for å lage mat i større volumer, black boxen for å holde en forestilling, et singelrom som kontor, et konferanserom for lesesirkelen på søndager, det multifunksjonelle torget for en bryllupsfest, osv. Hva oppnår man ved å koble huset med Enskede Gård? I planprogrammet står det: ”Stockholms ytterstad har till stor del vuxit fram etappvis och resulterat i stadsdelar som sinsemellan skiljer sig åt, men som i sig själva har ett homogent bostadsbestånd med likartade typologier och prisnivåer. (...) Slakthusområdet, som är tänkt att omvandlas under drygt ett decennium, är en del av denna utveckling. (...) En mer differentierad prisbild och lägre hyresnivåer finns att hitta i det befintliga beståndet, vilket gäller både bostäder och lokaler. Därför spelar programmets ambition att koppla samman Slakthusområdet med omkringliggande stadsdelar en viktig roll i att minska den geografiska segregationen mellan de olika områdena och skapa en funktionell helhet av dagens separata delar”. Utover dette ligger Lindeparken gymnasiesärskola i området og kan med grepet ta del av læresenterets tilbud.  Materialer? Ved å bruke materialer som ofte forekommer i et byrom kan følelsen av et offentlig og åpent rom forsterkes. I huset forekommer derfor stein, asfalt, betong, glass og stål. I tillegg har jeg fokusert på å la grensen mellom ute og inne defineres kun med glass samtidig som den dras inn ved den offentlige veien. Utover dette har jeg latt de rommene som er stengte få en varmere karakter, slik at de blir som små hus man går inn i, fra gaten. / Project description: Three planned high schools in the area were to have a common building with different social functions, such as a library, social areas and a dining room.  Early on in the process, I figured that the program had many functions that potensially could be interesting for the general public, such as a library, social areas and an exhibition. This led to the concept of opening up the building and making it accessible to everyone, creating potensial for an active building, even after school hours.  So how can openness be communicated in form? My concept was to extend the public space and let it continue uninterrupted through the whole interior., in short: a ramp. By connecting the ramp to Enskede, lying ten metres above the plot, the building became a public street. Stockholm municipality had an ambition for opening up Slakthusomradet, and the building became a part of this project. The program in the assignment excisted of many zones, usually associated with staff areas. I wanted to change that conception and make these rooms open to the public. These rooms included for example administration, cleaning and kitchen.  The materials used were all taken from typical public spaces, such as concrete, stone, asphalt, steel and glass. Furthermore, the character of the materials were to change when you moved from “the street” and into the closed spaces. Here you would find wooden walls and furniture, as well as curtains of cotton.