Twice during the first half of the twentieth century, on two separate and distinctly unique wartime campaigns in Europe, the survival of Canadian overseas armies was badly threatened not by enemy guns, but by the menace and ravages of an unseen enemy: infectious disease. Between the spring of 1915 and the fall of 1918, hundreds of thousands of Canadian soldiers lived and fought in the trenches of the Western Front. The Canadian Expeditionary Force (CEF) faced many tactical challenges in fighting this radical and unknown style of war in the trenches. There were also many medical challenges faced by the Canadian forces during this new era when they soon discovered that the trench environment was highly conducive to the rapid development and spread of infectious disease. In particular, pathogen carrying pests, such as body lice and rats, and “mysterious” emerging diseases, such as trench fever, would become the bane of existence for many Canadian soldiers. Life in the trenches would prove to be inherently dangerous for reasons other than enemy fire. Just two and one half decades later, during the Second World War, the Canadian First Division, recently victorious in occupying Sicily, was decimated, not by its German or Italian foes but by an epidemic of the mosquito transmitted infectious disease of malaria. Anti-malaria measures and precautions were well known, but the Canadians would discover that both the application of these practices and the compliance of the rank and file could not be taken for granted. This work examines the important influence disease vectors and infectious disease had upon the lives and experiences of our soldiers, as well as the conduct and outcomes of two important twentieth century military campaigns conducted by Canada’s army between 1914 and 1945. In essence, this study will explore and analyze Canadian attempts, both individual and corporate, to control, possibly defeat or at least come to terms with, its most elusive and silent enemies on the field of battle – infectious diseases.

This dissertation examines relations between Canadian soldiers and German civilians from March 1945 to April 1946. This study will show that Canadian relations with German civilians were, in part, an extension of relations with civilians in liberated countries, but were also something new altogether. At the beginning of the invasion of Germany, most Canadian soldiers did not wish to associate with Germans and followed a fraternization ban that had been put into effect. Canadians were more likely than American soldiers to believe in the ban. Soldiers were fed a propaganda campaign that told them all Germans were evil and needed to be punished for starting the war. As the invasion proceeded further into Germany, more Canadians realized that all Germans were not Nazis and began to fraternize with the ban still in place. In the Netherlands, where Canadians have been remembered as liberators, relations at times were also tense and bitter after the war ended. Canadians also had to deal with large number of Displaced Persons (DPs), who caused more headaches than German civilians for the occupation authorities.

This thesis explores some aspects of the cultural history of the railway during the latter half of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth. It argues that the railway was of central importance in creating and shaping Victorian attitudes to the machine and to mechanized civilization in a world increasingly dominated by large scale-technologies. In particular, it explores the significance of negative responses to the railway - fear, anxiety, nervousness, alarm, revulsion - in influencing a range of social, cultural and medical responses to the perceived degenerative threat of technological civilization. The four chapters of the thesis are organized so as to provide a progressive tightening of focus on particular aspects of the railway's significance in this context. The first, most wide-ranging, chapter explores the ways in which the Victorian railway was perceived as both an icon of progress and civilization and as a disruptive, threatening, destructive force. In particular, it seeks to establish the deep-rooted, enduring and influential nature of the fear and anxiety which the railway provoked. The second chapter is concerned with the railway journey as an experience, relating the ambivalence with which the railway was viewed to the journey as a sensory, physical and mental experience. The third chapter focuses on the accident as the most dramatic instance of the dangers of the railway, and relates its significance in contemporary culture to the wider context of the fears provoked by increasingly powerful and potentially destructive technologies. The fourth and final chapter explores the phenomenon of 'railway spine', the obscure nervous condition supposedly suffered by railway accident victims who had seemingly received no actual organic injury, but nonetheless displayed nervous, mental and physical symptoms of serious bodily disorder.

New Caledonia (1698-1700) was Scotland’s largest independent colonial venture. The scheme’s collapse crippled the country financially and was an important factor in the Anglo-Scottish Union of 1707. This project explores the identity of Scottish settlers who attempted to colonize the Darien region of modern Panama. Colonial identity is assessed by reconstructing the Scottish dialogue about the natural world, the aboriginal population, and the commonwealth. I contend that the ideology of improvement that shaped Scottish perceptions of utility and fertility in the Darien became a powerful moral discourse used to critique the colonists. This paper also chronicles Scottish aspirations to found an empire of trade and civility, uncovering the fundamental problems created by the idealization of the Tule as eager subjects of this new empire. Finally, I argue that Caledonia’s food shortages not only threatened the colonial government’s legitimacy, they also exposed divergent ideals of the commonwealth among the settlers.

This paper investigates the contours of the program of New Evangelisation of Europe (NEE) in the Roman-Catholic Church. While the roots lie with Vatican II and Paul VI.'s Evangelii Nuntiandi, the concept itself was developed by Pope John Paul II., the European Council of Bishops (CCEE) and the Bishops' Special Synod on Europe in 1991. The concept sees European culture as having been born out of Catholic Christianity. Postchristian Europe therefore is judged as having lost its (catholic) soul. This becomes evident in a reduction of humanness in the personal, cultural and spiritual realm. Therefore official Catholic teaching outlines NEE as personal spiritual renewal, catholic unity and cultural transformation. Source, norm and bearer of the NEE is the Roman-Catholic church. The author however thinks that genuine renewal springs from God's Word and Spirit (missio Dei), creating communities of faith, transforming both, church and culture in Europe. / Viele Jahrhunderte lang sahen die europaischen Kirchen ihren Kontinent und ihre Kultur als corpus Christianum. ,,Mission" galt nur den ,,Heiden" in Obersee. Diese Sicht geriet im Laufe des 20. Jahrhunderts ins Wanken. Imrner mehr Stimrnen fragten: ist nicht auch Europa ,,Missionfeld"? Inzwischen sind sich die meisten kirchlichen Traditionen in Europa einig, dal3 sie es mit einer ,,nachchristlichen" oder ,,neuheidnischen" Kultur zu tun haben, die emeut missionarisch mit dem Evangelium durchdrungen werden mu13. Die vorliegende Arbeit mochte die Konturen und Grundlinien des romisch-katholischen Programmes der Neuevangelisierung Europas (NEE) verstehen, darstellen und kritisch wurdigen. Die Arbeit besteht aus sechs Hauptteilen. Im ersten Teil werden grundlegende missiologische Aussagen des II. Vatikanischen Konzils und das Schreiben Papst Pauls VI. Evangelii Nuntiandi als Hintergrund und Wurzel fur das Konzept der NEE interpretiert. Im zweiten Teil stelle ich die Entwicklung der NEE im Denken Johannes Pauls II. seit 1979 dar, wahrend ich mich im dritten Teil auf die Interpretation der NEE auf den Symposien des Rates der Europaischen Bischofskonferenzen (CCEE) von 1982-1989 konzentriere. In verschiedenen Nuancen heben sich die Interpretationen der Bischfofe von den Gedanken Papst Johannes Pauls II. ab, ohne jedoch grundlegende Widerspriiche zu erzeugen. Im vierten T eil zeichne ich die Gedankengange zur NEE anhand der Abschlu13erklarung der Sondersynode der Bischofe fur Europa von 1991 nach. Die Synode stellt einen unspektakularen Hohepunkt, eine gewisse Zasur und eine ausgewogene Zusamrnenfassung der Entwicklung des Konzeptes dar. Eine systematische Zusamrnenfassung der Grundlinien der NEE bildet den funften Teil. Es wird deutlich, da13 die NEE die gesamte missionarische Existenz der romischkatholischen Kirche in Europa in all ihrer Vielfalt umfasst, um dem Ziel geistlicher, kirchlicher und kultureller Emeuerung im eschatologischen Horizont des Reiches Gottes naherzukommen. Im abschlie13enden Teil versuche ich das Konzept der Neuevangelisierung Europas anhand verschiedener missiologischer Modelle einzuordnen und aus evangelikaler Sicht kritisch zu wlirdigen. Die Starke des Konzeptes sehe ich im kulturbezogenen Ruf zur Urnkehr aus gottlosem und destruktivem Glauben, Denken und Handeln und der Verkiindigung der Hinkehr zu Jesus Christus, die sich in alle Bereiche der Kultur auswirkt und somit Europa mit neuer Hoffnung und Zukunft erfullen kann. Die Schwache des (offiziellen) Konzeptes sehe ich darin, da13 die romisch-katholische Kirche m.E. zur Norm fur die Emeuerung gemacht wird. Umfassende Emeuerung jedoch geht von Gottes Wort und Geist (missio Dei) aus, der Kirche und Kultur verandert und erneuert. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / M.Th. (Missiology)

Orientadores: Charlotte Marie Chambelland Galves, Josep Maria Fontana Méndez / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T13:00:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pinto_CarlosFelipe_D.pdf: 2643369 bytes, checksum: c13cfeeaac0894eb3c85dbf9f9f25e41 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: Esta Tese discute a mudança na ordem de constituintes e no posicionamento do verbo finito na história do espanhol europeu. Fontana (1993) propõe que o espanhol antigo era uma língua V2 simétrica, como o iídiche e o islandês atuais, na qual o verbo se movia para Io e SpeclP era uma posição A-Barra. Zubizarreta (1998) propõe que, no espanhol atual, o verbo também se mova para |o e que SpeclP ainda seja uma posição A-Barra. Neste sentido, se entende que a proposta de Zubizarreta (1998) é a de que as duas fases da língua são estruturalmente idênticas; contudo, o que os dados de Fontana (1993) mostram é que há diferenças estruturais importantes entre elas. O Capítulo 01 se concentra na discussão formal do efeito V2 nas línguas germânicas, que são consideradas as línguas V2 prototípicas, enfatizando: a) qual é o gatilho para o movimento do verbo; b) o que desencadeia a variação na manifestação do efeito V2 nas orações subordinadas fazendo com que algumas línguas apresentem efeito V2 irrestritamente e outras só apresentem efeito V2 nas orações matrizes. É proposta uma análise unificada em que, em ambos os casos, o verbo sempre se move para Co em orações matrizes e que a variação no traço [±asserção] é o responsável pela variação do efeito V2 nas orações subordinadas. O Capítulo 02 apresenta os dados do espanhol antigo e do espanhol atual. O trabalho se concentra em orações finitas e declarativas. Mostra-se que há aspectos que não distinguem superficialmente as duas fases, como a quantidade de constituintes pré-verbais, a posição do sujeito em relação ao verbo simples e a relação do verbo com os advérbios e o objeto direto. Por outro lado, há aspectos superficiais que diferenciam claramente as duas fases, tais como o posicionamento dos clíticos, a ordem O-V e a retomada clítica, a posição do sujeito nos complexos verbais, a ordem XP-V e a posição do sujeito. O Capítulo conclui que a diferença entre as duas fases, com relação às ordens V1, V2 e V>2, é qualitativa e não quantitativa e que o espanhol antigo possuía variação gramatical, apresentando uma gramática semelhante à gramática atual e uma gramática V2. O Capítulo 03 propõe uma análise formal para os fatos discutidos no Capítulo 02. Discute-se a posição do sujeito, propondo que os sujeitos pós-verbais se movem sempre do VP e que os sujeitos pré-verbais podem ter também uma posição dentro do IP. Com relação à ordem O-V e a duplicação clítica, se mostra que a diferença entre as duas fases está relacionada com a noção de operador. Por fim, se discute o movimento do verbo e é proposto que, no espanhol atual, o verbo se mova unicamente para r (tanto em orações neutras como em orações marcadas) e, no espanhol antigo, na gramática V2, o verbo se mova generalizadamente para C\ O Capítulo 04 procura explicar a mudança gramatical de uma fase para a outra, relacionando questões da história interna com aspectos da sócio-história. Assume-se que a aquisição da linguagem é o lugar da mudança lingüística; faz-se um rápido panorama da formação do espanhol e se sugere que o efeito V2 encontrado no espanhol antigo é decorrente de influências germânicas, através do contato de línguas e transmissão lingüística irregular. A perda do efeito V2 é explicada por uma mudança paramétrica devido a uma alteração no input ao qual as crianças dos Séculos XV e XVI eram expostas. O Capítulo termina discutindo uma possível influência do espanhol na perda do efeito V2 no português europeu. As conclusões gerais são as seguintes: a) línguas V2 apresentam sempre movimento do verbo para CP em orações matrizes e têm as orações subordinadas abertas a parametrização (não existe V2 em IP, que é sempre uma projeção A); b) o espanhol antigo e o espanhol atual não são o mesmo tipo de gramática, mesmo que superficialmente possam produzir enunciados semelhantes / Abstract: This Thesis discusses the change in the order of constituents and in the position of the finite verb in the history of the European Spanish. Fontana (1993) proposes that the Old Spanish was a symmetrical V2 language, just like Current Yiddish and Icelandic, in which the verb would move to Io and SpeclP would be an A-Bar position. Zubizarreta (1998) proposes that in Current Spanish the verb movement is also to r and that SpeclP is still an A-Bar position. In that sense, it is understood that both phases of Spanish are structurally identical; however, what Fontana (1993)'s data show is that there are important structural differences between them. Chapter 01 focuses on the formal discussion of the V2 phenomena in the Germanic languages, which are considered to be the prototypical V2 languages, emphasizing: a) which is the trigger to the movement of the verb; b) what unleashes the variation in the manifestation of the V2 effect in the embedded clauses, making some languages present the V2 effect unrestrictively and some others only present the V2 effect in the matrix clauses. A unified analysis is proposed where in both cases the verb always moves to Co in matrix clauses and that the variation of feature [±assertion] is responsible for the variation of the V2 effect of the embedded clauses. Chapter 02 presents the data of both Old and Current Spanish. The work focuses in finite and declarative clauses. It is shown that there are aspects which do not distinguish the two phases superficially, like the pre-verbal constituents, the position of the subject according to the simple verb and the relationship among adverbs and the direct object. On the other hand, there are superficial aspects which clearly differentiate both phases, as the position of the clitics, the O-V order and the clitic resumption, the position of the subject in the complex verbs, the XP-V order and the subject position. This chapter concludes that the difference between both phases in relation to the V1, V2 and V>2 orders is qualitative and not quantitative and that the Old Spanish possesses grammatical variation, presenting an alike grammar to the current grammar and the V2 grammar. Chapter 03 proposes a formal analysis of the facts discussed in Chapter 02. It is discussed the position of the subject, suggesting that the post-verbal subjects always move to VP and that the pre-verbal subjects can also have a position within IP. In relation to the O-V order and the clitic doubling, it is shown that the difference between the two phases is related to the notion of operator. To sum up, it is discussed the movement of the verb and it is proposed that in the Current Spanish the verb moves only to T (as long in neutral clauses as in marked clauses) and that, in Old Spanish, in the V2 grammar, the verb moves generally to Co. Chapter 04 tries to explain the grammatical change from one phase to the other, relating questions of intern history with social-historical aspects. It is assumed that the acquisition of language is the place of the linguistic change; there is a brief overview of the formation of Spanish and it is suggested that the V2 effect found in the old Spanish comes from Germanic influences through the contact of languages and through the irregular linguistic transmission. The loss of the V2 effect is explained by a parametric change due to an alteration in the input in which children of the XV and XVI centuries were exposed. The chapter finishes with a discussion of a possible influence of the Spanish in the loss of the V2 effect in the European Portuguese. The general conclusions are the following: a) V2 languages always display verb movement to CP in matrix clauses and they have embedded clauses opened to parametrization (there is not V2 in IP, which is always an A projection); b) Old Spanish and Current Spanish have not the same type of grammar, although superficially both can make similar utterances / Doutorado / Linguistica / Doutor em Linguística

New Caledonia (1698-1700) was Scotland’s largest independent colonial venture. The scheme’s collapse crippled the country financially and was an important factor in the Anglo-Scottish Union of 1707. This project explores the identity of Scottish settlers who attempted to colonize the Darien region of modern Panama. Colonial identity is assessed by reconstructing the Scottish dialogue about the natural world, the aboriginal population, and the commonwealth. I contend that the ideology of improvement that shaped Scottish perceptions of utility and fertility in the Darien became a powerful moral discourse used to critique the colonists. This paper also chronicles Scottish aspirations to found an empire of trade and civility, uncovering the fundamental problems created by the idealization of the Tule as eager subjects of this new empire. Finally, I argue that Caledonia’s food shortages not only threatened the colonial government’s legitimacy, they also exposed divergent ideals of the commonwealth among the settlers.

The Rococo period in the arts, flourishing mainly from about 1710 to about 1750, was stylistically unified, but nevertheless its tremendous productivity and appeal throughout Occidental culture has proven difficult to explain. Having no contemporary theoretical literature, the Rococo is commonly taken to have been a final and degenerate form of the Baroque era or an extravagance arising from the supposed careless frivolity of the elites, including the intellectuals of the Enlightenment. Neither approach adequately accounts for Rococo style. Naming the Rococo raises profound issues for understanding the relations between conception and production in historical terms. Against the many difficulties that the term has involved in accounting for an immense but elusive cultural movement, this thesis argues that some of the chief philosophical conceptions of the period clarify the particular character and significance of Rococo production. Rococo production is here studied chiefly in decor, architecture, and the plastic arts. This thesis also makes an extended general argument for the value of intellectual history. Rococo style is a group of visual effects of which the central character is atectonicity. This is established by a synthesizing overview of Rococo ornamental motifs. Principal theorists of post-Cartesian thought have failed to see how these distinguish Rococo style from both Baroque and Enlightenment culture. The analysis addresses the historical narratives of Benjamin, Adorno, Foucault, Deleuze, and others about Baroque and Enlightenment culture. The core historical claim of this thesis is that Rococo atectonic effects are visual forms of the anti-materialist, idealist ontology of George Berkeley and of the metaphysics and ontology in the early work of Giambattista Vico. Close readings of important passages from works of both philosophers published in 1710 develop the relationship between atectonics and idealist ontology. Both men rejected the Baroque hierarchical cosmology in favor of finitude as the key to human understanding. The readings center on the issue of causality, including Berkeley's views of the perfect contingency of the world and on Vico's theories of truth and ingenium. A reading of Diderot's critique of the Rococo, which led the reaction to it, shows that he recognized the power of idealist ontology in the Rococo cultural production. The larger force in the rejection of Rococo is the emergence of the sublime as a morally fearful feature of physical nature. Montesquieu's aesthetic work also shows the transition to a more rigidly determined view of existence, which was expressed but constrained in the little-recognized lattice motif in Rococo arts. The result of these readings is the influence during and after the Rococo period of the concept of continuous creation, in which the memory and imagination of the human subject relays God-given powers of creation into the production of culture. Continuous creation also suggested a human capability to animate material nature. Rococo style displays this as a pre-cinematic effects that represent the non-material, non-causal deep structure of reality.

This dissertation examines the history of the creation and development of the concept of anticipation, a pattern of heredity found in several diseases (e.g. Huntington’s disease and myotonic dystrophy), in which an illness manifests itself earlier and often more severely in successive generations. It reconstructs major arguments in twentieth-century debates about anticipation and analyzes the relations between different research communities and schools of thought. Developments in cutting-edge medicine, biology, and genetics are analyzed; many of these developments were centered in Britain, but saw significant contributions by people working in France, Germany, Switzerland, the Netherlands and North America. Chapter one traces precursor notions in psychiatric and hereditarian thought from 1840 to the coining of the term ‘anticipation’ by the ophthalmologist Edward Nettleship in 1905. Key roles in the following chapters are played by several figures. Prior to World War II, these include: the neuropathologist F.W. Mott, whose advocacy during 1911- 1927 led to anticipation being called “Mott’s law”; the biometrician and eugenicist Karl Pearson, who opposed Mott on methodological and political grounds; and two politically and theoretically opposed Germans – Ernst Rüdin, a leading psychiatrist and eugenicist who came to reject anticipation, and Richard Goldschmidt, a geneticist who offered a peculiar Mendelian explanation. The British psychiatrist and human geneticist, Lionel Penrose, makes a first interwar appearance, but becomes crucial to the story after World War II due to his systematic dismissal of anticipation, which discredited the notion on orthodox Mendelian grounds. The final chapters highlight the contributions of Dutch neurologist Christiaan Höweler, whose 1980s work demonstrated a major hole in Penrose’s reasoning, and British geneticist Peter Harper, whose research helped demonstrate that expanding trinucleotide repeats accounted for the transgenerational worsening without contradicting Mendel and resurrected anticipation as scientifically legitimate. Reception of the concept of anticipation is traced across the century through the examination of textbooks used in different fields. This dissertation argues against established positions regarding the history of the concept, including claims that anticipation’s association with eugenics adequately explains the rejection of the notion after 1945. Rejected, in fact, by many eugenicists from 1912, anticipation was used by physicians until the 1960s.

This study examines the role of history in the writings of the English deists, a group of heterodox religious controversialists who were active from the last quarter of the seventeenth century until the middle of the eighteenth century. Its main sources are the published works of the deists and their opponents, but it also draws, where possible, on manuscript sources. Not all of the deists were English (one was Irish and another was of Welsh extraction), but the term ‘English Deists’ has been used on the grounds that the majority of deists were English and that they published overwhelmingly in England and in English. It shows that the deists not only disagreed with their orthodox opponents about the content of sacred history, but also about the relationship between religious truth and historical evidence. Chapter 1 explains the entwining of theology and history in early Christianity, how the connection between them was understood by early modern Christians, and how developments in orthodox learning set the stage for the appearance of deism in the latter decades of the seventeenth century. Each of the following three chapters is devoted to a different line of argument which the deists employed against orthodox belief. Chapter 2 examines the argument that certain propositions were meaningless, and therefore neither true nor false irrespective of any historical evidence which could be marshalled in their support, as it was used by John Toland and Anthony Collins. Chapter 3 traces the argument that the actions ascribed to God in sacred history might be unworthy of his goodness, beginning with Samuel Clarke’s first set of Boyle Lectures and then progressing through the writings of Thomas Chubb, Matthew Tindal, Thomas Morgan, and William Warburton. Chapter 4 charts the decline of the category of certain knowledge in the latter half of the seventeenth century, the rise of probability theory, and the effect of these developments on the deists’ views about the reliability of historical evidence. Chapter 5 is a case-study, which reads Anthony Collins’s Discourse of the Grounds and Reasons of the Christian Religion (1724) in light of the findings of the earlier chapters. Finally, a coda provides a conspectus of the state of the debate in the middle decades of the eighteenth century, focusing on the work of four writers: Peter Annet, David Hume, Conyers Middleton, and Edward Gibbon.