The diploma thesis Czech media and public euroscepticism examines frames of public euroscepticism in Czech media agenda and public agenda. The thesis is framed in agenda- setting and framing theory which explains processes of shifting themes between public agenda, media agenda and political agenda. Plethora of studies set in agenda-setting and framing theory has proved correlations between media agenda and public agenda. The goal of this diploma thesis is to examine what is the correlation between Czech media agenda and public agenda in terms of public euroscepticism, which eurosceptic frames are brought in public agenda by media agenda and how pervasive those frames are. For the comparison of agendas is used the typology of public euroscepticism by Catharine Sørensen which consists of economic euroscepticism, euroscepticism based on sovereignty, democratic euroscepticism and social euroscepticism. Author postulates positive correlation between media agenda and public agenda and presence of pervasive frames in media agenda. The first part describes the theoretical frame of the thesis, the agenda-setting and framing theory. The second chapter presents existing research about euroscepticism on EU and Czech level. The third part describes the Czech public agenda based on the public opinion research,...

A semi-systematic literature review of research carried out on the evolution of the concept of Euroscepticism since the term first was reportedly used in 1986 with special focus on articles published around the year before the 2019 European Parliament elections and to this date. The thesis was conducted with a particular interest in gathering more knowledge on using an evidence-based method in political science. The purpose was twofold, therefore: one to see how the concept itself has evolved in research, in terms of definition and salience as well as in terms of measuring and explanatory factors, and the other to see if the method used is appropriate to this purpose. From the data gathered, it can be said that the method is pertinent and relevant when assembling research from a widespread and multifaceted area in terms of geography and content, since it is meant to avoid the pitfalls of ‘picking and choosing’ data. The articles thus uncovered have shown that there is a red thread in research on Euroscepticism, that its context has changed and therefore its content, and that Euroscepticism 2020 is a salient issue.

This thesis examines the impact structural aid from the EU has on popular Euroscepticism – a set of critical public opinions that has been on the rise during the last decades. The study is done by operationalising both instrumental and political Euroscepticism. Through a statistical method with regression analyses, structural aid is tested as an independent variable explaining Euroscepticism using data from the European Social Survey. Other factors on individual level, values/culture and socioeconomic conditions are added to the analyses together with contextual factors on country level. The results show that structural aid in less developed regions manage to mitigate Euroscepticism, especially in Western Europe. This suggests that the EU has a tool to shape the public opinions while it addresses regional disparities, and that popular Euroscepticism is shaped both by economic mechanisms and individual values/cultural factors.

European Politics and Society Erasmus Mundus Joint Master Programme MA Thesis Attitudes towards European Integration in the Western Balkans: Euroscepticism and Europhilia in North Macedonia Maria Paschalina Dimopoulou Abstract The progress in the integration of EU candidate member states is determined by the level of democratization they have achieved, the level of success in the transition to market economy, the rule of law development and the ability to fulfill the conditions obligatory for member states. The attitudes towards the prospect of membership range from fervent enthusiasm to severe skepticism, depending on the length of the process, the success or lack thereof in the institutional transformation, the compatibility of the European values with traditional norms and region-specific reasons. There have been many studies focusing on the Central and East European former candidate states, while contemporary research on the Western Balkan region is rather focused on the EU's enlargement fatigue and conditionality failure. This thesis attempts to examine the role of domestic media of a candidate state in shaping the public opinion and the possible role of the political parties using the media to project their agendas on integration. The case study of North Macedonia proves the positive connection...

In the era of global stability, it is crucial to understand the nuances that maintain peace. Neoliberal institutionalism is the ideal that institutions bound together promote peace through sharing stakes and developing positive cost-benefit matrixes that ensure cooperation. The European Union (EU), a neoliberal institution, was developed to establish a peaceful, cooperative European system to further the European agenda and foster power through combined assets. The EU has manifested this success and prosperity—until one of its member states, the United Kingdom, defected from the institution, causing a shock to the EU system. Why would an institution yielding positive returns see one of its members defect? Furthermore, is such a surprise likely to happen again? This study aims to answer these questions. It does so by analyzing the factors that predated Brexit, both to explain that outcome and to establish the indicators suggesting a member state might leave the EU. It finds that internal crises within EU member states cause Euroscepticism, which may erode distrust and cause a state to be more likely to leave. However, it also finds that the quality of public services and the national economy contribute directly to trusting the EU, wherein a state must never have the bare minimum access to either regime if the EU expects members to trust it.

The region of Central Europe, and particularly the countries that form the Visegrad group, has seen a rise in anti-EU sentiment and EuroskepticismEuroscepticism[B1] . The Czech Republic is considered one of the most suitable examples of this phenomenon across Europe. However, this state is not status quo. During the times of various global crises, the level of Euroscepticism fluctuates. Due to this reason, the thesis analyzes two crises, which are This thesis focuses on a particular case of the Czech Republic, where two distinct crises—the immigration inflow in 2015 and the Russian invasion in 2022, and their divergent public reactions. The Czech society was more anti-EU oriented during the migration crisis, whereas later when Russia invaded Ukraine, they felt closer to the European Union. I approach this phenomenon from the media perspective and its public media discourse by researching existing literature, analyzing media content, and collecting questionnaires filled out by experts. The media are two online most-read news platforms Novinky and iDnes, which also both existed before the first crisis. The interrogated professionals are working for the European Union in the Czech environment, so they are very well-orientated in the Czech media talking about the European Union.  Results from all three sources —led to divergent public reactions, with the former feeling more Euroskeptic and the latter feeling closer to the European Union. This peculiarity was examined through the eyes of two online news media and the EU officials employed in the Czech setting. The findings indicate that the public media discourse is diversely Europeanized throughout different crises, or in other words, influenced by the European environment and membership in the EU. Thiswhich results in the European institutions being blamed or praisedexalted for coming up with solutions. The European Union officials in questionnaires respondents complement this statement by claiming that these stories are having an impact on Czech society. This observation implies that the reaction to external crises is based on various factors such as the government's position, common enemy, fear of the unknown, or more readable negative news.  For these reasons, the Czech future attitude towards the European Union is unpredictable. At the same time, the thesis highlights several observations important for regional development, which are similar discourses in cities of different sizes, more optimistic attitudes with a higher number of news, and the danger of simplifying opinion groups into anti-European and pro-European only. There is a significant impact that this observed connection will have on the future development of the region.

Ireland is generally seen as one of the biggest supporters of the European Union. Irish public opinion researches have been showing long-term and extremely positive attitudes to the European integration. The pro-European consensus is also known among the local political parties. Moreover, at the end of the 20th century, a strong economic growth had started and the Ireland quickly became a model example of how positive impact the European integration may have on its Member states. European issues therefore did not attract too much attention in the local political discourse. This changed in the early 21st century, when the increasing public euroscepticism began observable. The thesis examines whether selected Irish political parties adapted their rhetoric and actions to ever more critical mood of voters. These are Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and the Green Party. The thesis covers three critical moments of the Irish European integration, namely the Nice Treaty, the Lisbon Treaty and the Irish debt crisis. It searches for negative comments about the EU and European integration of examined political parties in the campaigns before the referendum on European issues, as well as in their election statements to the Irish parliamentary elections, also taking place in the selected period. The aim of the thesis is...

過去十年來，人們體認到任何單一事件可能改變一個國家、一個區域，或全世界的政治情況。以歐盟而言，2014年歐洲議會的選舉就是一個很好的例子，許多研究者稱之為政治地震，這個事件可能促使對於「疑歐運動」脫離歐洲統合過程的陰影產生威脅，歐洲會議所呈現的疑歐論調可能被視為是歐盟末日的開端，或僅只是信任的暫時危機。 本研究試圖分析自歐盟成立以來造成疑歐論興起的各項因素。再者本論文也包含2014年歐洲議會選舉對歐洲穩定和各國政治情況的影響，最後作者應用雙層賽局理論尋求疑歐論興起的適當方法，以及歐洲分化的可能問題。很多觀察者宣稱疑歐論團體 對歐洲的統合沒有造成任何威脅，作者建議疑歐論在最近期應被視為主要的問題，歐盟應有效地回應。 藉著解答這三個研究問題，作者建議進一步了解大多數疑歐政治團體所擁有的動力，此外基於雙層賽局理論和折衝的角色，結論亦包含於處理疑歐論的可能意涵。 / In the past decade, people have witnessed that one single event may alter the political situation of a single country, region or even the whole world. In case of the EU, the 2014 European parliamentary election was one of them. Referred to by many researchers as a “political earthquake,” this event made it possible for the euroscepetic movement to emerge from the shadows and pose a threat to the European integration process. The presence of euroscepticism in the European Parliament may be seen as the beginning of the end of the EU or perhaps just a temporary crisis of trust. This study seeks to analyze the factors that contributed to the rise of euroscepticism since the beginning of the EU. Moreover, the impact of the 2014 European parliamentary election on European stability and the domestic political situation is also included in this paper. Finally, the author applies two-level games theory to find a proper solution to the rise of euroscepticism and the problem of potential European disintegration. Many observers claim that eurosceptic parties do not pose a threat to European integration. I suggest that euroscepticism should be recognized as one of the main problems to which the EU must respond effectively in the near future. By answering three research questions, the author gives further insight into the power gained by most of the eurosceptic political parties. Furthermore, based on the two-level games theory and the role of negotiations, the possible implications in dealing with euroscepticism are included in this paper.

The diploma thesis "Framing of euroscepticism in the Czech daily press" deals with political communication about the European Union realized in the czech daily press (namely MF DNES, Právo and Hospodářské noviny) during three events which were essential fot the Czech republic. It was referendum (2003), signing of Lisbon Treaty (2009) and signing of ESM (2013). It focuses on quality and europeanisation of public debate and its changes within this events. It also investigates how eurosceptic actors and and oponions are represented. It is trying to examine what are their possibilities of participating in public debate and identify attitudes of individual tituls. Research methods are quantitative analysis plus frame analysis. It also treats (in theoretical part) concepts like political communication (generally and on the european level), european public sphere and also euroscepticism itself.

This thesis is a comprehensive interpretation of European political history in the periodization from 2008 to 2016. The history begins with an exploration of the intellectual and political origins of the post-World War II project of European integration and the development of, and opposition to, the early institutions that eventually formed the contemporary assemblage of the European Union. Following a traditionally structured history, this work is styled as a ‘history of the present’ that specifies the role of the European Union in precipitating and attempting to overcome the financial and monetary crises, foreign policy quandaries on its Eastern periphery, an unmanageable escalation in migration rates, and the materialization of Eurosceptic, populist, and anti-establishment political actors at European and national levels. The specific arrangement of this thesis intends to fulfill its ultimate purpose of identifying the dynamic circumstances that aided the outcome of the United Kingdom referendum to leave the European Union.