Este trabalho discute o processo de democratização de Moçambique, iniciado em 1992 com o Acordo Geral de Paz (AGP) entre o Governo liderado pela Frelimo (Frente de Libertação de Moçambique) e a Renamo (Resistência Nacional de Moçambique), que pôs fim a uma guerra civil que durou dezesseis anos. Embora haja outros partidos políticos, o processo de democratização tem-se polarizado entre a Frelimo e a Renamo. Por essa razão a discussão do tema está em torno destes dois partidos, pois suas ações são determinantes para a consolidação da democracia no país. A pesquisa foca-se especialmente ao período 2005-2015 (período do governo de Armando Guebuza) momento em que várias incertezas, quanto à possibilidade da consolidação democrática, marcaram o processo. Neste sentido, a pesquisa tem como questão de partida a seguinte: Quais as possibilidades e limites para uma eventual consolidação democrática em Moçambique? Ou seja, que fatores podem contribuir para que a democracia moçambicana se consolide? Defende-se a ideia de que a democracia em Moçambique está sendo construída num ambiente em que os dois principais atores (Frelimo/Renamo) responsáveis pela assinatura do AGP conservam um poder real. Por um lado a Frelimo controla o Poder desde o AGP, em 1992, e por via disso o controlo da Forças de Defesa e Segurança e, por outro lado, a Renamo mantendo um grupo de milícias armados alegadamente para proteger o seu líder. Esta situação alimenta um conflito armado latente com todos os elementos para brotar a qualquer momento O principal objetivo é analisar criticamente a influência da polarização do processo entre a Frelimo e a Renamo para a consolidação da democracia em Moçambique. Esta discussão se enquadra dentro do tema de transições política e consolidação democrática, que vem dominando alguns debates dentro da Ciência Política, sobretudo aos dilemas da passagem de um regime de caráter autoritário para um regime de natureza democrático e os dilemas da consolidação do sistema democrático. A pesquisa é de natureza documental, destacando-se três tipos de documentos: oficiais (protocolos do AGP, algumas leis fundamentais e alguns vídeos contendo discursos das principais lideranças desses partidos); jornais (Savana e Notícias e Boletim sobre o Processo Político em Moçambique) e; relatórios acadêmicos (Instituto de Estudos Sociais e Económicos, afrobarometer, Africa Governance Monitoring and Advocacy Project). / Seeking to discuss about the Mozambican process of democratization, which began in 1992 with the Peace General Accord between Frelimo (Mozambique Liberation Front), the Party Government leader at the time, and Renamo (Mozambique National Resistance), the armed opposition, which ended a civil war that lasted sixteen, is drawn up this research. Although there are other political parties, the process of democratization is being polarized by Frelimo and Renamo. Thus, the topic of debate is around these two parties because their actions are crucial for the country democracy consolidation. This study focus on Armando Guebuzas governance era (2005-2015) time that so many uncertainties situations, in terms of possibility of democratic consolidation, marked the process. In this term the query is, are there possibilities and limits of an eventual democratic consolidation in Mozambique? In other words, which key factors can contribute to consolidate the Mozambique's democracy? It argue that, democracy in Mozambique is being built in an environment in which the two main actors (Frelimo / Renamo) responsible for signing the GPA retain real power. On the one hand, Frelimo has been in control of Power since the GPA in 1992, and thus, controls the Defense and Security Forces and, on the other hand, Renamo maintaining a group of armed militias allegedly to protect its leader This situation fuels a latent armed conflict with all the elements to sprout at any moment.The main objective is to analyze critically the influence of this polarization of Frelimo and Renamo, on the process, for democracy consolidation in Mozambique. This debate falls on theme of political transition and democratic consolidation, mainstream of debates in political science, especially to the dilemmas of the passage of an authoritarian regime to a system of democratic nature and dilemmas of democratic consolidation system. It´s a documentary research based in three type of documents: official (GPA protocols, some fundamental laws and some videos containing speeches of the main leaders of these parties), newspapers (Savana, Notícias and Boletim sobre o processo político em Moçambique) and; academic reports (Instituto de Estudos Sociais e Económicos, afrobarometer, Africa Governance Monitoring and Advocacy Project).

Este trabalho discute o processo de democratização de Moçambique, iniciado em 1992 com o Acordo Geral de Paz (AGP) entre o Governo liderado pela Frelimo (Frente de Libertação de Moçambique) e a Renamo (Resistência Nacional de Moçambique), que pôs fim a uma guerra civil que durou dezesseis anos. Embora haja outros partidos políticos, o processo de democratização tem-se polarizado entre a Frelimo e a Renamo. Por essa razão a discussão do tema está em torno destes dois partidos, pois suas ações são determinantes para a consolidação da democracia no país. A pesquisa foca-se especialmente ao período 2005-2015 (período do governo de Armando Guebuza) momento em que várias incertezas, quanto à possibilidade da consolidação democrática, marcaram o processo. Neste sentido, a pesquisa tem como questão de partida a seguinte: Quais as possibilidades e limites para uma eventual consolidação democrática em Moçambique? Ou seja, que fatores podem contribuir para que a democracia moçambicana se consolide? Defende-se a ideia de que a democracia em Moçambique está sendo construída num ambiente em que os dois principais atores (Frelimo/Renamo) responsáveis pela assinatura do AGP conservam um poder real. Por um lado a Frelimo controla o Poder desde o AGP, em 1992, e por via disso o controlo da Forças de Defesa e Segurança e, por outro lado, a Renamo mantendo um grupo de milícias armados alegadamente para proteger o seu líder. Esta situação alimenta um conflito armado latente com todos os elementos para brotar a qualquer momento O principal objetivo é analisar criticamente a influência da polarização do processo entre a Frelimo e a Renamo para a consolidação da democracia em Moçambique. Esta discussão se enquadra dentro do tema de transições política e consolidação democrática, que vem dominando alguns debates dentro da Ciência Política, sobretudo aos dilemas da passagem de um regime de caráter autoritário para um regime de natureza democrático e os dilemas da consolidação do sistema democrático. A pesquisa é de natureza documental, destacando-se três tipos de documentos: oficiais (protocolos do AGP, algumas leis fundamentais e alguns vídeos contendo discursos das principais lideranças desses partidos); jornais (Savana e Notícias e Boletim sobre o Processo Político em Moçambique) e; relatórios acadêmicos (Instituto de Estudos Sociais e Económicos, afrobarometer, Africa Governance Monitoring and Advocacy Project). / Seeking to discuss about the Mozambican process of democratization, which began in 1992 with the Peace General Accord between Frelimo (Mozambique Liberation Front), the Party Government leader at the time, and Renamo (Mozambique National Resistance), the armed opposition, which ended a civil war that lasted sixteen, is drawn up this research. Although there are other political parties, the process of democratization is being polarized by Frelimo and Renamo. Thus, the topic of debate is around these two parties because their actions are crucial for the country democracy consolidation. This study focus on Armando Guebuzas governance era (2005-2015) time that so many uncertainties situations, in terms of possibility of democratic consolidation, marked the process. In this term the query is, are there possibilities and limits of an eventual democratic consolidation in Mozambique? In other words, which key factors can contribute to consolidate the Mozambique's democracy? It argue that, democracy in Mozambique is being built in an environment in which the two main actors (Frelimo / Renamo) responsible for signing the GPA retain real power. On the one hand, Frelimo has been in control of Power since the GPA in 1992, and thus, controls the Defense and Security Forces and, on the other hand, Renamo maintaining a group of armed militias allegedly to protect its leader This situation fuels a latent armed conflict with all the elements to sprout at any moment.The main objective is to analyze critically the influence of this polarization of Frelimo and Renamo, on the process, for democracy consolidation in Mozambique. This debate falls on theme of political transition and democratic consolidation, mainstream of debates in political science, especially to the dilemmas of the passage of an authoritarian regime to a system of democratic nature and dilemmas of democratic consolidation system. It´s a documentary research based in three type of documents: official (GPA protocols, some fundamental laws and some videos containing speeches of the main leaders of these parties), newspapers (Savana, Notícias and Boletim sobre o processo político em Moçambique) and; academic reports (Instituto de Estudos Sociais e Económicos, afrobarometer, Africa Governance Monitoring and Advocacy Project).

Este trabalho discute o processo de democratização de Moçambique, iniciado em 1992 com o Acordo Geral de Paz (AGP) entre o Governo liderado pela Frelimo (Frente de Libertação de Moçambique) e a Renamo (Resistência Nacional de Moçambique), que pôs fim a uma guerra civil que durou dezesseis anos. Embora haja outros partidos políticos, o processo de democratização tem-se polarizado entre a Frelimo e a Renamo. Por essa razão a discussão do tema está em torno destes dois partidos, pois suas ações são determinantes para a consolidação da democracia no país. A pesquisa foca-se especialmente ao período 2005-2015 (período do governo de Armando Guebuza) momento em que várias incertezas, quanto à possibilidade da consolidação democrática, marcaram o processo. Neste sentido, a pesquisa tem como questão de partida a seguinte: Quais as possibilidades e limites para uma eventual consolidação democrática em Moçambique? Ou seja, que fatores podem contribuir para que a democracia moçambicana se consolide? Defende-se a ideia de que a democracia em Moçambique está sendo construída num ambiente em que os dois principais atores (Frelimo/Renamo) responsáveis pela assinatura do AGP conservam um poder real. Por um lado a Frelimo controla o Poder desde o AGP, em 1992, e por via disso o controlo da Forças de Defesa e Segurança e, por outro lado, a Renamo mantendo um grupo de milícias armados alegadamente para proteger o seu líder. Esta situação alimenta um conflito armado latente com todos os elementos para brotar a qualquer momento O principal objetivo é analisar criticamente a influência da polarização do processo entre a Frelimo e a Renamo para a consolidação da democracia em Moçambique. Esta discussão se enquadra dentro do tema de transições política e consolidação democrática, que vem dominando alguns debates dentro da Ciência Política, sobretudo aos dilemas da passagem de um regime de caráter autoritário para um regime de natureza democrático e os dilemas da consolidação do sistema democrático. A pesquisa é de natureza documental, destacando-se três tipos de documentos: oficiais (protocolos do AGP, algumas leis fundamentais e alguns vídeos contendo discursos das principais lideranças desses partidos); jornais (Savana e Notícias e Boletim sobre o Processo Político em Moçambique) e; relatórios acadêmicos (Instituto de Estudos Sociais e Económicos, afrobarometer, Africa Governance Monitoring and Advocacy Project). / Seeking to discuss about the Mozambican process of democratization, which began in 1992 with the Peace General Accord between Frelimo (Mozambique Liberation Front), the Party Government leader at the time, and Renamo (Mozambique National Resistance), the armed opposition, which ended a civil war that lasted sixteen, is drawn up this research. Although there are other political parties, the process of democratization is being polarized by Frelimo and Renamo. Thus, the topic of debate is around these two parties because their actions are crucial for the country democracy consolidation. This study focus on Armando Guebuzas governance era (2005-2015) time that so many uncertainties situations, in terms of possibility of democratic consolidation, marked the process. In this term the query is, are there possibilities and limits of an eventual democratic consolidation in Mozambique? In other words, which key factors can contribute to consolidate the Mozambique's democracy? It argue that, democracy in Mozambique is being built in an environment in which the two main actors (Frelimo / Renamo) responsible for signing the GPA retain real power. On the one hand, Frelimo has been in control of Power since the GPA in 1992, and thus, controls the Defense and Security Forces and, on the other hand, Renamo maintaining a group of armed militias allegedly to protect its leader This situation fuels a latent armed conflict with all the elements to sprout at any moment.The main objective is to analyze critically the influence of this polarization of Frelimo and Renamo, on the process, for democracy consolidation in Mozambique. This debate falls on theme of political transition and democratic consolidation, mainstream of debates in political science, especially to the dilemmas of the passage of an authoritarian regime to a system of democratic nature and dilemmas of democratic consolidation system. It´s a documentary research based in three type of documents: official (GPA protocols, some fundamental laws and some videos containing speeches of the main leaders of these parties), newspapers (Savana, Notícias and Boletim sobre o processo político em Moçambique) and; academic reports (Instituto de Estudos Sociais e Económicos, afrobarometer, Africa Governance Monitoring and Advocacy Project).

The anti-colonial struggles in lusophone Africa were the most internationalized wars on the continent. Involved were people from across the globe and across the socioeconomic and political spectrums - Chinese Communists and Portuguese right-wing dictators, American black nationalists in the urban North and South African white supremacists, cold warriors and human rights activists. The Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO), was the only national liberation movement in the 1960s to receive aid from the United States, the Soviet Union, and the People's Republic of China. I contend that, because both FRELIMO and Portugal relied on support from the international community to wage war for over a decade (1964-1975), the anti-colonial wars in lusophone Africa were not only armed struggles, but also cultural and rhetorical battles. FRELIMO's program of socialist revolution which heralded human rights and social justice through education, non- racialism and gender equality resonated with the international shift to the left of the 1960s. Counterpoised were the Portuguese right-wing corporative dictatorship which espoused a "Lusotropical" civilizing mission for its African overseas provinces, and the white supremacist regimes of Southern Rhodesia and South Africa that militarily and economically dominated Southern Africa. This dissertation focuses particularly on the relationship between FRELIMO and the activists of the black freedom struggle and the New Left in the United States. It will show the significant contributions that American activists made to Mozambican liberation, as well as the impact that this transnational movement had on the entire Southern African region, on U.S. foreign policy, and on the United States' domestic social and political landscapes. I explore issues of colonialism, nationalism, and modernity within a cold war context using the lenses of race, class, and culture in the United States and southern Africa during the long Sixties. I also examine the significance of religious organizations and the moral imperative that underpinned the global advocacy supporting southern African independence. The development of a transnational network of activists that reached from rural Africa to the White House provided the leverage needed for southern Africans and their international allies to topple the Portuguese dictatorship and, eventually, end South African apartheid. / History

King Ngungunyana was the lord of the mighty Gaza Empire, covering most of the interior Mozambique south of the Zambezi and parts of present Zimbabwe, when the Portuguese in 1885 were requested by the Berlin Congress to accelerate their colonization. The small enclaves around certain port towns were no longer sufficient, in order to claim the territory as one's colony. "Effective occupation" was the new precept, leading very soon to conflict with King Ngungunyana and, in 1895, the defeat of the Gaza Empire. Thus began Portugal's factual colonization of Mozambique. A few years earlier, Protestant missionaries of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Mission bad attempted to begin mission work within the Gaza Empire. Although invited by the King, the effort failed and the missionaries settled near the town of Inhambane, within the Portuguese realm. Catholic Missions, which had been successful during the previous centuries, had ceased to function in all Mozambique, as Religious Orders bad been prohibited since 1834. Seemingly, the arrival of Protestants to Inhambane and also to Lourenço Marques, however, stimulated the Catholic Church into action, and around 1890 new Missions were established "to combat the Protestant propaganda". Meanwhile, the American Board missionaries withdrew, and from 1893 we find American Methodists working in their stead. Part Two of the dissertation deals with the time of the Republic in Portugal, from 1910. Strongly anti-clerical, the Republicans enforced the separation of the Church from the State. This led to difficult times for the Catholic Missions in Mozambique, while it facilitated, somewhat, the task of the Protestants. However, the urge to "civilize the natives" gradually made the Republicans accept the Catholic Missions as "civilizing factors". The spirit of this period allowed for the development of the first Independent African Churches in Mozambique, as well as a first African attempt at political independence. Part Three, 1926-1960, pictures the firmer political grip of "0 Estado Novo", under dictator Antonio Salazar. Forced labour and oppression were the lot of the people, and the Portuguese Catholic Church became the "spiritual arm of the State". "Portugalization" was the new formula. This placed all education of the Africans into the bands of the Catholic Missions, simultaneously closing all Protestant village schools. The period is characterized by a "tug-of-war" between Catholics and the Protestants, who survived by experimentation with new methods and, paradoxically, grew in numbers. The final part of this dissertation, 1961-1974, deals with the Liberation Struggle of FRELIMO, and the Portuguese response. The Portuguese Catholic Church was still, unfailingly, supporting the political regime and its war efforts. Gradually, a growing force of opposition within the Church became courageously active. Meanwhile, Protestant Missions prepared for the future by "africanizing" their structures, and some were made to suffer for alleged subversion, before the "Carnation Revolution" in 1974 put a sudden end to war activities. I suggest that several elements within the Church history of Mozambique contributed to the negative attitude towards religion, which was displayed by FRELIMO during the first years of independence.

The Political action of citizen’s individually or collectively is always determined by a multiplicity of factors: first, political socialisation; second, logic of the dominant political culture in the society; third, factors of ideological nature; forth, religious factors to name but a few. In the particular case of Mozambique it can be seen that from independence in 1975 onwards the political and religious dimension went through several changes. In the political area the changes were observed more profoundly after the independence of the country under the orientation of FRELIMO the political party in power. From that moment until 1990 the country was governed by the domination of one political party under a Marxist system of socialism. In the religious arena, the domination of the Roman Catholic Church was observed prior to independence since it was working together with the dominators (Portuguese) and other Christian religions were persecuted by this church. However, after independence another dimension became a changing force within the country. First of all the relationship between FRELIMO and the church was not good. Second, from 1982 this relationship started to take on a positive nature. The questions that then arose were the following: What are the factors that might have contributed to this changed situation? How can this dimension be explained? What are the implications of these changes? This study seeks to discuss the role played by the church and the state in the democratisation process of Mozambique. It starts by exploring the general background of Mozambique where issues such as liberation, civil wars and eventually peace negotiations are discussed. It discusses also the church and state relationship highlighting the contribution from the protestant churches towards Mozambican independence. This study discusses and explains the reasons why the church should be participating in political issues in order to build a good and decent democracy for all the people in Mozambique. Following, it demonstrates and discusses in a nutshell some of the activities undertaken by different churches who have sought collaboration with civil society and political authorities for the edification of peace, democracy, development and the wellbeing of human beings in Mozambique. It also discusses some issues both positive and negative regarding the elections that have occurred in Mozambique. Finally from the observation and analysis that has been completed, the conclusion of this study is in the form of some recommendations which will help to improve the kind of democracy that the majority of the people in Mozambique crave. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / gm2014 / Church History and Church Policy / unrestricted

Thesis (MA)-- Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In 1992, warring factions in Mozambique put an end to 15 years of violence and instability. By signing the General Peace Accord in Rome, the civil war was officially over, and postconflict reconstruction could begin. The post-conflict state has been struggling with high poverty, weak infrastructure and the burden of returning refugees as well as internally displaced people (IDP’s) in the aftermath of the war. Moreover, in recent years, increasing domestic activity on the part of transnational criminal syndicates has become a major national and regional security dilemma. In this study, Mozambique, as a post-conflict state has been examined to identify the most important factors that lead to the increase and continuation in transnational crime in terms of human trafficking. Using prevailing state theories and post-conflict theories within the field of Political Science and analyzing Mozambique from the conceptual theoretical lenses of Max Weber, Charles Tilly, Shmuel N. Eistenstadt, and several other scholars, it is argued that there are numerous elements present within the state that have led to an increase in crime. These are first and foremost the (neo) patrimonial features of the state, corrupt state-officials, the state’s pluralist legal-system and a general lack of public trust in the legitimacy of the government. Incomplete post-conflict reconstruction efforts, resulting in lack of public goods, such as health-care, schooling and jobs along with a culture of exploitation and objectification of women and deep-rooted gender-inequality in Mozambique is argued to provide criminal syndicates with an opportunity to capitalize on organized crimes such as trafficking of humans. In recent years, positive developments manifest themselves through the international recognition of human trafficking and domestic ratifications of international laws and protocols to combat human trafficking. While Mozambique has ratified “The Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially Women and Children” this study reveals state factors that make the elimination of the crime of human trafficking in Mozambique difficult. The findings of the study are symbolic of a globalized problem. Combating transnational crime does not depend solely on international, regional and domestic cooperation through laws and regulations; it also necessitates increased national efforts in dealing with the root-causes of trafficking and to increase the political and public awareness in the country towards this human rights violation. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In 1992 het strydende groepe in Mosambiek 'n einde gemaak aan 15 jaar van geweld en onstabiliteit. Met die ondertekening van die Algemene Vredesverdrag in Rome, is die burgeroorlog amptelik beëindig en post-konflik rekonstruksie kon begin. Die post-konflik staat het gesukkel met hoë armoede, swak infrastruktuur en die las van terugkerende vlugtelinge en interne verplaasde persone in die nadraai van die oorlog. Daarbenewens het toenemende plaaslike aktiwiteite van transnasionale kriminele sindikate in die afgelope jare 'n groot nasionale en streeks-sekuriteitsdilemma geword. In hierdie studie is Mosambiek as 'n post-konflik staat geanaliseer om die mees belangrike faktore wat tot die toename in transnasionale misdaad (in terme van mensehandel) gelei het, te identifiseer. Deur gebruik te maak van bestaande staatsteorieë en post-konflik teorieë in die veld van Politieke Wetenskap en deur Mosambiek te analiseer uit die teoretiese blik van Max Weber, Charles Tilly, Shmuel N. Eistenstadt, en andere, word daar geargumenteer dat daar verskeie elemente binne die staat is wat tot dié toename in misdaad gelei het. Allereers is die neo(patrimoniale) kenmerke van die staat, korrupte staatsamptenare, die pluralistiese regstelsel en algemene gebrek aan publieke vertroue in die regering. Daar word geargumenteer dat onvolledige post-konflik rekonstruksie, wat 'n tekort aan publieke goedere soos gesondheidsorg, opvoeding en werk tot gevolg het, tesame met 'n kultuur van die seksualisering van vroue en diep-gewortelde geslagsongelykheid in die staat, vir kriminele sindikate geleenthede vir organiseerde misdaad soos mensehandel bied. In die afgelope jare het positiewe ontwikkelinge gemanifisteer deur die internationale erkenning van mensehandel en die plaaslike bekragtigings van internationale wette en protokols om mensehandel te bestry. Alhoewel Mosambiek "The Protocol to Prevent, Supress and Punish Traffickin in Persons, especially Women and Children" bekragtig het, toon die studie dat sekere staatsfaktore die uitwissing van mensehandel in Mosambiek moeilik maak. Die bevindinge van die studie is simbolies van 'n globaliseerde probleem; die bestryding van transnasionale misdaad berus nie net op internasionale, streek en plaaslike samewerking deur wette en regulasies nie, maar dit noodsaak ook verhoogde nasionale inspanning om die grondoorsake van mensehandel te hanteer en om politieke en publieke bewustheid omtrent dié menseregteskending in die land te verhoog.

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The essence of this study is about structural change and how it is affected by competing social forces. My primary aim is to examine the problems and contradictions in Mozambique‟s development strategy and to gain an understanding of how these problems are influenced by the structure of the contemporary world order. A central focus will be on how social forces at various levels influence the way in which development strategy is formed through superior material capabilities, shaping ideas and establishing institutions. The main argument is that the hegemonic neoliberalist ideology has been perpetuated in Mozambique by external social forces and has become the mainstay of the development approach in the country. By acknowledging that theory is used by different social groups for various purposes, I depart from the common assumption of considering the Mozambican development example as a success, and rather ask „for whom it has been a success‟. The theoretical approach in this study is based on Coxian Critical Theory (CCT) and a significant proportion is dedicated to evaluate Cox‟s works and how he applies his theoretical framework in the analysis of the changing world order. To get a better appreciation for the strengths and weaknesses of CCT, the study will also examine the works of several scholars that use CCT in their studies of social forces in Southern Africa. The case study will be guided by the findings generated by the theoretical evaluation, particularly with regards to the way CCT allows for various points on entry in the analysis. The case study of Mozambique generated three main conclusions. Firstly, that Frelimo has failed to create a broad based consensus for its ideology among different social forces in Mozambique and that the historic bloc in Mozambique remains fragile. Secondly, that the economic elite in South Africa and the ANC collaborated with Frelimo in structuring the development strategy in Mozambique, and through this collaboration, perpetuated values consistent with the hegemonic neoliberal consensus. Finally, that the prevailing order in Mozambique is strengthened by the involvement of the international community and that structural change is unlikely to take place without the development of a stronger civil society. The theoretical contribution of the study has been to further support that the logic provided by CCT remains valid in the African context, and that it is highly compatible with other social theories. Furthermore, the study concludes that CCT is particularly compatible with post-colonial theory and social psychology and can be used to address the shortcomings of each other. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die sentrale punt van die studie is strukturele verandering en hoe dit beïnvloed word deur mededingende sosiale kragte. Die primêre doel van die tesis is om die probleme en teenstrydighede in Mosambiek se ontwikkelingstrategie te ondersoek en om te verstaan hoe hierdie probleme verband hou met die struktuur van die teenswoordige wêreld-orde. ‟n Belangrike fokus is ook hoe sosiale kragte op verskeie vlakke die wyse waarop ontwikkelingstrategie gevorm word beïnvloed, via besondere materiële vermoeëns, die vorm van idees en die skep van instellings. Die hoof argument is dat „n hegemoniese neoliberale ideologie perpetueer is in Mosambiek deur eksterne sosiale kragte en dat dit sodoende die bakermat van dié land se benadering tot ontwikkeling geword het. Deur te erken dat teorie deur verskillende sosiale groepe vir uiteenlopende redes gebruik word, beweeg ek weg van die algemene aanname, naamlik dat ontwikkeling in Mosambiek as suksesvol beskou kan word. Die vraag moet eerder gestel word, “vir wie is ontwikkeling in Mosambiek „n sukses?” Die teoretiese benadering in hierdie studie is gegrond op Coxiaanse Kritiese Teorie (CKT) en „n betekenisvolle proporosie van die studie word gewy aan „n evaluering van Cox se benadering en hoe hy dit toepas in „n analise van die veranderende wêreld-orde. Ten einde „n beter waardering daar te stel vir die voor- en nadele van CKT, ondersoek die studie ook die bydraes van „n aantal ander geleerdes wat die benadering gebruik in hul bestudering van sosiale kragte in Suider-Afrika. Die gevalle-studie word gerig deur die bevindinge wat gegenereer word deur hierdie teoretiese evaluering, in die besonder met betrekking tot die manier waarop CKT die gebruik van verskillende invalshoeke tot die analise fasiliteer. Die Mosambiekse gevalle-studie lewer drie hoof-gevolgtrekkings op. Eerstens, dat FRELIMO nie daarin geslaag het, om „n breë konsensus vir sy ideologiese uitgangspunte onder die verskillende sosiale kragte in die land te skep nie. Derhalwe, is die „historiese blok‟ in Mosambiek kwesbaar. Tweedens, dat die ekonomiesse elite in Suid-Afrika en binne die African National Congress (ANC) vi saamgewerk het met FRELIMO om die ontwikkelingstrategie in Mosambiek te struktureer. In daardie opsig, is waardes perpetueer wat saamhang met die hegemoniese neoliberale konsensus. Laatstens, dat die heersende orde in Mosambiek versterk word deur die betrokkenheid van die internasionale gemeenskap en dat strukturele verandering in dié land onwaarskynlik is sonder die ontwikkeling van „n sterker burgerlike samelewing. Die teoretiese bydrae van die studie ondersteun verder die premis dat CKT geldig bly binne die konteks van Afrika en dat dit versoenbaar is met ander sosiale teorieë. Verder, word die gevolgtrekking gemaak dat CKT ook besonder versoenbaar is met post-koloniale teorie en sosiale sielkunde en dat dit gebruik kan word om die tekortkominge in elkeen aan te spreek.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / This thesis is an appraisal of curriculum development at the Solomon Mahlangu Freedom College and the Dakawa Development Centre established by the ANC in exile, in Tanzania in 1978 and 1982 respectively. In 1960 the ANC went into exile when it was banned under the Unlawful Organisations Act in the wake of the Sharpeville crisis. The ANC's record in the educational arena from 1912 to 1960 was characterized by reactive responses to state policy as it did not have a structured educational programme that it could offer as an alternative to education for blacks. In the post-1960 period it was faced with a new set of priorities, that is, the huge and complex task of re-organising itself both within South Africa and in exile. In 1978 the ANC established its educational institution, the SOMAFCO High School, in Mazimbu, Tanzania, in the wake of the 1976 uprisings in Soweto and elsewhere in South Africa. In 1980 the project was extended by the establishment of the SOMAFCO Primary School, followed by the Dakawa Development Centre in 1982. Three broad emphases came to the fore when the ANC Education Policy was being formulated in the late 1970s: emphasis on Academic Education; emphasis on Political Education and an emphasis on Polytechnic Education. The ANC Education Department claimed to have formulated a clear and concise education policy in 1978 but sharp debates over the appropriate curriculum for ANC education in exile persisted up to 1992, when the institutions were closed and repatriation to South Africa began The main problem being investigated is why there were such divergent views on the appropriate curriculum for ANC education-in-exile from within the ANC, and in the light of this contestation, what happened in reality to curriculum practice at the institutions. The arguments for Academic, Political and Polytechnic Education are contextualized in the curriculum debates of the times, that is, the zo" century international policy discourse, the African curriculum debates and Apartheid Education in South Africa. This study examines how Academic Education, despite the sharp debates, was institutionalised at the SOMAFCO High School. It also analyses the arguments for and various notions of Political and Polytechnic Education as well as what happened to these in practice at the school. The SOMAFCO Primary School went through three phases of curriculum development. The school opened in 1980 under a 'caretaker' staff and without a structured curriculum. During the second phase 1980-1982 a progressive curriculum was developed by Barbara and Terry Bell. After the Bells resigned in 1982, a conventional academic curriculum was implemented by Dennis September, the new principal. There is debate over why the Dakawa Development Centre was initially opened in 1982. lts objectives were identified at the First Dakawa Seminar in 1982. This study examines curriculum development within its structures: the Vocational Training Centre, the Ruth First Education Orientation Centre and the Raymond Mahlaba Rehabilitation Centre. This study analyses whether the Vocational Training Centre was intended to train students in skills required for the construction of Dakawa or whether it would provide Vocational Education which would lead to the attainment of recognized certification for future employment. It examines whether the Ruth First Education Orientation Centre was an educational facility or a security centre. It also examines the nature of rehabilitation at the Raymond Mahlaba Rehabilitation Centre. The other structures like the farm, small industries and other social facilities are also examined. The study finally traces the relocation of the Dakawa Development Centre to Grahamstown in South Africa.