This is a study of six women who lived in Britain during the early twentieth century. A mother and five daughters, they immigrated to Britain from Russia in 1909, and their letters provide a window into the lives of women during times of great strain and changes. The daughters attended school in Britain and expected to live a comfortable upper-class lifestyle funded by their family’s business in Russia. However, World War I and the February and October Revolutions in Russia made that future impossible. Instead the women became both military and civilian nurses, adopting professional careers and remaining unmarried. Their letters allow one to examine issues ranging from the cultural identities of émigrés and exiles to the effects of gender roles on life choices. This paper serves as a case study of their family, examining how larger political, social, and cultural events affected the practical and emotional facets of their lives. / text

Orientador: Claudio Henrique de Moraes Batalha / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-08T08:28:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Canelas_LeticiaGregorio_M.pdf: 1282455 bytes, checksum: cfadb0df8baeb92edbfca1bbbebe1d55 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Resumo: Em fevereiro de 1848 eclodiu em Paris a revolução que instaurou a Segunda República Francesa. Durante o processo revolucionário, foi marcante a atuação do movimento operário associativista, organizado principalmente em Paris. No entanto, foi derrotado nas barricadas de Junho de 1848, perdendo seu espaço sobre as diretrizes da nova República, mas continuou atuando minimamente com os militantes de classe média, socialistas e republicanos do partido da Montanha, os démocsocs. Com o apoio do partido da ordem, Luis Bonaparte, eleito presidente em dezembro de 1848, desferiu um Golpe de Estado em 2 de dezembro de 1851 e provocou a prisão e a proscrição de milhares de indivíduos da oposição republicana. Muitos destes se encontraram no exílio e tentaram, durante a década de 1850, construir um movimento de resistência, com o objetivo de se instaurar uma República Universal de todos os Povos da Europa. Posteriormente, estes partidários da república ficaram conhecidos como quarante-huitards (homens de 1848), expressão que indicava a idéia de uma tradição republicana, que além de democrática e socialista, também era anticlerical e extremamente antibonapartista. O assunto desta dissertação é a expressão do ¿espírito quarante-huitard¿ na Corte do Império Brasileiro na década de 1850, principalmente devido ao fato da existência de alguns exilados políticos em meio à comunidade francesa habitante do Rio de Janeiro. O semanário Courrier du Brésil (1854-1862) foi o principal suporte de manifestação destes franceses e a Sociedade Francesa de Socorros Mútuos (fundada em 1856) foi seu espaço privilegiado de atuação associativista. O grupo de franceses ligados ao Courrier du Brésil estabeleceu no Brasil uma rede de relações com brasileiros como o jovem Machado de Assis, Manuel Antônio de Almeida e os políticos liberais ligados ao jornal Diário do Rio de Janeiro ? que na década de 1870 participariam da fundação do Partido Republicano / Abstract: In February of 1848 came out in Paris, the revolution that restored the SecondFrench Republic. During the revolutionary process, the performance of the associativism working-class movement, organized mainly in Paris, stood out. However, it was defeated in the barricades of June of 1848, losing its space on the lines of direction of the new republic, but at least continued acting with the middle class militants, socialist and republican, of the party of the Mountain, démocsocs. With the support of the Party of the Order, Louis Bonaparte, elect president in December of 1848, brandished a Coup d'Etat in 2 of December of 1851 and provoked the arrest and the proscription of thousand of individuals of the republican opposition. Many of these found each other in the exile and had tried, during the decade of 1850, to construct a resistance movement, with the objective of establish a Universal Republic of all the Peoples of the Europe. Later, these partisans of the republic had been known as quarante-huitards (1848 men), expression that indicated the idea of a republican tradition, that beyond democratic and socialist, also were anticlerical and extremely anti-bonapartist. The subject of this work is the expression of the ¿spirit quarante-huitard¿ in the Court of the Brazilian Empire in the decade of 1850, mainly because of the fact of the existence of some exiled politicians among the French community in Rio de Janeiro. The weekly journal Courrier du Brésil (1854-1862) was the main support of manifestation of these Frenchmen and the Société Française de Secours Mutuels (established in 1856) was it's privileged space of associativist performance. The group of Frenchmen connected to the Courrier du Brésil established in Brazil a net of relations with brazilians as the young Machado de Assis, Manuel Antonio de Almeida and liberal politicians connected to the Journal Diário do Rio de Janeiro - that in the decade of 1870 would participate on the foundation of the Republican Party / Mestrado / Historia Social / Mestre em História

This dissertation examines the architecture of the French, American, and Haitian revolutions as well as the French 1848 Revolution and the Paris Commune. The traditional historiography of neoclassical and Beaux-Arts architecture considers it as coextensive with the establishment of the nation-state, culminating in the institution building of the French Second Empire and postbellum United States under the banner of liberal nationalism. By examining moments of insurrection against the state and spaces outside of the conventional construal of the nation, I complicate this interpretation by highlighting its slippages and crises. My hypothesis is that democracy, as a form of social and political life, is intrinsically anarchic and paradigmatically revolutionary, and that architecture cultivates the aims and paradoxes of revolution. Revolutionary conditions, I argue, render this radical capacity of architecture salient, showing the ultimate incommensurability between architecture and the regimes that determine and delimit it.

During the third year of the Great War 1914-1918 Russia experienced the upheaval of revolution, precipitating the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II and installation of the Provisional Government in March, and culminating in the Bolshevik takeover of November, 1917. Due to the political, military, and economic chaos which accompanied the revolution Russia was unable to continue the struggle on the eastern front. Russia was not fighting the war against the Central Powers of Germany and Austria-Hungary alone, however, and her threat to capitulate was of the gravest concern to her Allies, Great Britain and France. In fact the disintegration of Russia's war effort was the pivotal issue around which Anglo-Russian relations revolved in 1917. Britain's war policy was dominated by the belief that the eastern front had to be maintained to achieve victory. It appeared that any interruption to the eastern front would allow Germany to reinforce her lines on the western front, then to win and control the economic destiny of Europe. Britain could not allow this to happen. This study focuses on the reportage from British diplomats and representatives in and outside of Russia to their superiors at the Foreign Office in London from December 1916 to December 1917. A vast wealth of documentation is available in the Foreign Office Correspondence. Analysis of these notes reveals certain trends which were dictated by the kaleidoscopic turn of events in Russia and the national ethos of these representatives. A minute analysis demonstrates a great diversity of opinion regarding the situation in Russia, ranging from optimism to pessimism and objectivity to prejudice in all phases of the year 1917. To a limited degree this diversity can be correlated with the geographical location and diplomatic status of the individual representatives. Above all it is clear that when historians quote from these sources, they choose the quotations which support the conclusions they have already reached because they know the outcome of the developments that they are describing. The individuals on the spot at the time were far less prescient and insightful. They were much more affected by their own historical prejudices and rumours, as well as the vagaries and short-term shifts of their immediate environment. Many of them believed in the great-man theory of history; a number attributed all developments and difficulties to some aspect of the Russian national character; some explained certain events during the year by conspiracies, especially of the Jews, with whom they tended to equate the Bolsheviks. Only a few were consistently solid and realistic in their appraisal of events, attributing them to factors favoured by our most respected historians. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

This thesis studies the uses of the concept of revolution in Swedish socialist press from 1917 to 1924. Political revolution and civil wars shook several countries. The Russian February and October Revolutions were soon followed by uprisings in countries such as Germany and Finland. While the social and political history of this period, with its mass demonstrations for bread and voting rights, often called the Swedish revolution, has been covered extensively in existing research, we know much less about the theoretical understanding of revolution among Swedish socialists. This thesis examines the concept of revolution from a perspective inspired by the Begriffsgeschichte of German historian Reinhart Koselleck. This foundation in the history of concepts aims at understanding how Swedish socialists, in a wide sense, understood their own time, how they related to the past and what they expected from the future, during the years of the First World War and the immediately following years. By focusing on what might be the most central, but also the most contested and most difficult to define, concept I hope to complement earlier research focusing on the social and political history of the period and its socialist movements. The main purpose of the thesis is to analyse how the labour movement understood revolution with particular weight placed upon the theoretical and ideological tensions between revolution and reform, determinism and voluntarism and localized and universal revolution. The starting point is the political and social changes in Sweden and abroad at that time and the place of the political press as opinion leaders capable of negotiating the space of political action. A secondary aim is to discuss how focusing on temporality can inspire new perspectives on the use of conceptual history. My research shows that how the concept of revolution was used was shaped both by already established notions regarding the socialist revolution as well as by the political situation at hand. The October Revolution forced a sharpening of its meaning, wherein different factions elaborated their understanding of it in relation to each other, which in turn determined how the concept was used fom that point on.