In Latin America, a social revolution is statistically far more likely to fail than to succeed. Yet there is little understanding as to the contributory factors of revolutionary failure or success. Many researchers look for commonalities by examining multiple revolutions across the region or even around the globe and throughout large periods of time, but their analysis frequently lacks commonality in the underlying conditions of the insurgencies. The case of Peru, however, provides a unique opportunity to examine multiple revolutions in the fairly homogenous environment of one state during a short and constrained timeframe of thirty years. In the history of the Republic of Peru, there have been only four social revolutions. These insurgencies were contained within two discreet periods of time: the MIR and ELN in the 1960’s, and Shining Path and MRTA in the 1980’s to 1990’s. While each of these revolutions experienced varying levels of success, each ultimately failed due, in no small part, to a particular set of structural and socioeconomic variables. / text

The problem with which this study is concerned is that of determining the role of war and social revolution in Afro-American poetry of the 1960's. For this study, four major poets were selected: Gwendolyn Brooks, Nikki Giovanni, LeRoi Jones, and Don L. Lee.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T17:27:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Felipe Ramos Musetti.pdf: 1886097 bytes, checksum: 67dc5020ad380f49dca27aaf286c4fd5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-12-19 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This dissertation investigates the way Karl Marx develops the relationship between political revolution and social revolution, in the 18th Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, seeking to highlight the importance of historical rise and decadence of the bourgeoisie to the elucidation of the limits of politics. Intends to seize the internal nexus of studied written, explaining the genesis of the categorial complex that integrates the physiognomy of the Marxian reflection. Thus, the first two chapters of the dissertation are dedicated to analytical understanding of the formative period of Marx's thought, which outlines the new ontological position achieved by the author through the critics of politics, speculative philosophy and political economy. Highlighting the main aspects of Marxian analysis of social being, the third chapter seeks to demonstrate the way in which The 18th Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte enriches Marx s critics of politics, when addressing the loss of illusions around the bourgeois Republic and the movement in which the State completes its process of constitution, assuming the Bonapartist form. It is shown how the investigated text makes explicit the indissoluble link between civil society and political State, both finding in capital the common denominator and structuring principle. The dissertation, therefore, turns to the negative conception Marx s work, seeking to observe the role of the modern State in managing the order of capital and conserving the bourgeois ideology / A presente dissertação investiga o modo como Karl Marx desenvolve a relação entre revolução política e revolução social, na obra O 18 de brumário de Luís Bonaparte, procurando destacar a importância do processo de ascensão e decadência da burguesia para a elucidação dos limites da politicidade. Busca apreender os nexos internos do escrito estudado, explicitando a gênese do complexo categorial que integra a fisionomia da reflexão marxiana. Assim, os dois primeiros capítulos da dissertação são dedicados à compreensão analítica do período de formação do pensamento de Marx, a partir do qual se delineia a nova posição ontológica alcançada pelo Autor através de críticas à política, à filosofia especulativa e à economia política. Destacando os principais traços da análise marxiana do ser social, o terceiro capítulo procura mostrar o modo pelo qual a obra O 18 de brumário de Luís Bonaparte enriquece a crítica de Marx à política, ao abordar a perda das ilusões em torno da república burguesa e o movimento pelo qual o Estado completa o seu processo de constituição ao assumir a forma bonapartista. Mostra-se ainda como o texto investigado explicita, historicamente, o vínculo indissociável entre sociedade civil-burguesa e Estado político, ambos tendo o capital como denominador comum e princípio estruturante. A dissertação, desse modo, atenta para a concepção negativa da política na obra de Marx, procurando observar o papel do Estado moderno no gerenciamento da ordem do capital e na conservação da ideologia burguesa

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:22:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Natalia Monzon Montebello.pdf: 2051605 bytes, checksum: 034ea4183f749f03a5c4320aeaffc859 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-11-03 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The notions of federalism and self-management are used composing a analytic point of view on experimentation in the Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and the Spanish Civil War. The analytic experimentation Policy propose questions that provoke conversation today with Gilles Deleuze, Michel Foucault and Nietzsche Friedich, as well the presence of Federico García Lorca. It is dissolving the identity, philosophy and history, out of play of the identity. In Proudhon, the serial analitic unfolds in decentralized federalism articulated to mutualism, as sliding out of State, that not only dispenses with the formality intitucional, as well as state form as well as of thought. Thus, the interruption of the centrality and the hierarchy of State describes in the anarchism the affirmation of freedom practices and free lifestyle of the sovereign. The anarchism don t happens as the oppositions to the State, but as invention of exist-rience free absolute authority, projecting itself as a multiplicity of partnerships, in the coexistence of the differents in equality. In the Spanish Civil War, the invention of freedon practices settles in the nineteenth century as social revolution that subervert the politic and economic fields demarked on the struggles of workers / As noções de federalismo e autogestão são utilizadas compondo um ponto de vista analítico na experimentação em Pierre-Joseph Proudhon e na Guerra Civil Espanhola. A experimentação analítica propõe questões que provocam conversas na atualidade, com Gilles Deleuze, Michel Foucault e Friedich Nietzsche, assim como também a presença de Federico García Lorca. Trata-se de dissolver as identidades, na filosofia e na história, fora da interpretação teórica. Em Proudhon, a analítica serial desdobra-se no federalismo descentralizado articulado ao mutualismo, como deslizamento fora do Estado, que não só prescinde da formalidade institucional, como também da forma Estado do pensamento. Dessa maneira, a interrupção da centralidade e da hierarquia do Estado descreve no anarquismo a afirmação de práticas de liberdade como estilo de vida livre do soberano. O anarquismo, então, não acontece como oposição ao Estado, mas como invenção da existência livre do absoluto da autoridade, projetando-se como multiplicidade de associações, na coexistência dos diferentes na igualdade. Na Guerra Civil Espanhola, a invenção de práticas de liberdade instala-se no século XIX como revolução social que suberverte os campos político ou econômico demarcados nas lutas dos trabalhadores

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Natalia Monzon Montebello.pdf: 2051605 bytes, checksum: 034ea4183f749f03a5c4320aeaffc859 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-11-03 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The notions of federalism and self-management are used composing a analytic point of view on experimentation in the Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and the Spanish Civil War. The analytic experimentation Policy propose questions that provoke conversation today with Gilles Deleuze, Michel Foucault and Nietzsche Friedich, as well the presence of Federico García Lorca. It is dissolving the identity, philosophy and history, out of play of the identity. In Proudhon, the serial analitic unfolds in decentralized federalism articulated to mutualism, as sliding out of State, that not only dispenses with the formality intitucional, as well as state form as well as of thought. Thus, the interruption of the centrality and the hierarchy of State describes in the anarchism the affirmation of freedom practices and free lifestyle of the sovereign. The anarchism don t happens as the oppositions to the State, but as invention of exist-rience free absolute authority, projecting itself as a multiplicity of partnerships, in the coexistence of the differents in equality. In the Spanish Civil War, the invention of freedon practices settles in the nineteenth century as social revolution that subervert the politic and economic fields demarked on the struggles of workers / As noções de federalismo e autogestão são utilizadas compondo um ponto de vista analítico na experimentação em Pierre-Joseph Proudhon e na Guerra Civil Espanhola. A experimentação analítica propõe questões que provocam conversas na atualidade, com Gilles Deleuze, Michel Foucault e Friedich Nietzsche, assim como também a presença de Federico García Lorca. Trata-se de dissolver as identidades, na filosofia e na história, fora da interpretação teórica. Em Proudhon, a analítica serial desdobra-se no federalismo descentralizado articulado ao mutualismo, como deslizamento fora do Estado, que não só prescinde da formalidade institucional, como também da forma Estado do pensamento. Dessa maneira, a interrupção da centralidade e da hierarquia do Estado descreve no anarquismo a afirmação de práticas de liberdade como estilo de vida livre do soberano. O anarquismo, então, não acontece como oposição ao Estado, mas como invenção da existência livre do absoluto da autoridade, projetando-se como multiplicidade de associações, na coexistência dos diferentes na igualdade. Na Guerra Civil Espanhola, a invenção de práticas de liberdade instala-se no século XIX como revolução social que suberverte os campos político ou econômico demarcados nas lutas dos trabalhadores

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The historiography of Communist dissidents of the Communist Party of Brazil is linked mostly to making studies on the trajectory of their political organizations aligned to the International Left Opposition, the Internationalist Communist League (odd period in the Communist International) and the Fourth International (period which assumes decisively the party way). To a lesser extent, it focused on specific moments of life and political criticism of those aligned to Leon Trotsky (the "1930 Revolution", the antifascist struggle and uprisings of 1935). The initiative to minimally modify "the current state of things" led to questioning of his political press and particularly its itinerary in the 1930s. In a way, the viewing of little aspects present in the current historiography enabled recounting a live track (despite the time limit on the amount of available sources and information) from two issues we define as "revolution and social reality". The breadth and general condition of these two axes allowed making contact with the Trotskyist newspapers and newsletters (available digitally by the Documentation Centre of the Movement Worker Mario Pedrosa belonging to the Documentation Centre and Memory from Universidade Estadual Paulista) and specifying them. Belonging to the line of research entitled "Migration and Labour , this dissertation defined the focus of two consecutive movements for the established axis. While the former sought to identify the key themes of the international Trotskyist revolution passed by the Brazilian Trotskyist press (the Soviet Union , the Communist International , War and Fascism) and highlight the theoretical and political content raised by these from the movement flow of ideas from other "stops" while the second sought to reflect on the world of work linked to social reality, particularly on capitalist development in Brazil, the trade union and labor laws erected and political dynamics of the working class in the 1930s . In short, I hope that this work will contribute to enrich the theme of Brazilian Trotskyists in the 1930s from redirecting the form of a dialogue of the historian with its object and source of research. / A historiografia da dissidência comunista do Partido Comunista do Brasil está vinculada majoritariamente a confecção de estudos sobre a trajetória de suas organizações políticas alinhadas a Oposição Internacional de Esquerda, a Liga Comunista Internacionalista (período fracionário na Internacional Comunista) e a Quarta Internacional (período que assume decisivamente a forma partido). Em menor medida, ela incidiu sobre momentos específicos da vida e da crítica política daqueles alinhados a Leon Trotsky (a Revolução de 1930 , a luta antifascista e os levantes militares de 1935). A iniciativa de modificar minimamente o estado atual de coisas motivou a problematização de sua imprensa política e, em especial, do seu itinerário na década de 1930. De certo modo, a visualização de aspectos pouco presentes na historiografia vigente possibilitou historiar um vivo percurso (apesar do limite temporal diante da quantidade de fontes e informações disponíveis) a partir de duas questões que definimos por revolução e realidade social . A amplitude e a condição genérica destes dois eixos permitiram tomar contato com os jornais e boletins trotskistas (disponibilizados digitalmente pelo Centro de Documentação do Movimento Operário Mário Pedrosa pertencente ao Centro de Documentação e Memória da Universidade Estadual Paulista) e especificá-los. Pertencente a linha de pesquisa intitulada Migrações e Trabalho, esta dissertação definiu o foco de dois movimentos consecutivos relativos aos eixos estabelecidos. Enquanto o primeiro tratou de identificar as temáticas fundamentais da revolução internacional repercutidas pela imprensa trotskista brasileira (a União Soviética, a Internacional Comunista, o Fascismo e a Guerra) e evidenciar o conteúdo teórico e político suscitado por estas a partir do movimento de circulação de ideias provenientes de outras paragens ; o segundo buscou refletir sobre a realidade social vinculada ao mundo do trabalho, em particular, sobre o desenvolvimento capitalista no Brasil, a legislação sindical e do trabalho erigida e a dinâmica política da classe trabalhadora na década de 1930. Em suma, esperamos que o presente trabalho contribua para enriquecer a temática dos trotskistas brasileiros dos anos 1930, a partir da reorientação da forma de diálogo do historiador com seu objeto e fonte de pesquisa.

This thesis studies the uses of the concept of revolution in Swedish socialist press from 1917 to 1924. Political revolution and civil wars shook several countries. The Russian February and October Revolutions were soon followed by uprisings in countries such as Germany and Finland. While the social and political history of this period, with its mass demonstrations for bread and voting rights, often called the Swedish revolution, has been covered extensively in existing research, we know much less about the theoretical understanding of revolution among Swedish socialists. This thesis examines the concept of revolution from a perspective inspired by the Begriffsgeschichte of German historian Reinhart Koselleck. This foundation in the history of concepts aims at understanding how Swedish socialists, in a wide sense, understood their own time, how they related to the past and what they expected from the future, during the years of the First World War and the immediately following years. By focusing on what might be the most central, but also the most contested and most difficult to define, concept I hope to complement earlier research focusing on the social and political history of the period and its socialist movements. The main purpose of the thesis is to analyse how the labour movement understood revolution with particular weight placed upon the theoretical and ideological tensions between revolution and reform, determinism and voluntarism and localized and universal revolution. The starting point is the political and social changes in Sweden and abroad at that time and the place of the political press as opinion leaders capable of negotiating the space of political action. A secondary aim is to discuss how focusing on temporality can inspire new perspectives on the use of conceptual history. My research shows that how the concept of revolution was used was shaped both by already established notions regarding the socialist revolution as well as by the political situation at hand. The October Revolution forced a sharpening of its meaning, wherein different factions elaborated their understanding of it in relation to each other, which in turn determined how the concept was used fom that point on.

This thesis investigates the formation of power structures in a revolutionary setting. It takes as a case study the central Siberian city of Krasnoiarsk, in which a powerful Soviet of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies emerged during the period March-October 1917. The Krasnoiarsk Soviet was an elective council established during the overthrow of Tsarist authorities. Throughout 1917, it became a vital component of an emerging local and regional power structure, assuming growing responsibility for a number of core state tasks. As well as providing a new empirical case study to English-language literature on 1917, the thesis employs a nuanced analytical approach which challenges existing conceptualisations of state power in revolution and the role played by local soviets. State power in revolutionary Russia has often been viewed as something to be contested between different political groupings and organisations seeking to assert their own outright control. This view is captured neatly by the formulation of “dual power”, in which soviets and Provisional Government organisations constructed alternative power bases in an attempt to wield outright control. Accordingly, the soviets’ growing political strength indicated an ability to marginalise other groups and organisations seeking to wield power. By contrast, this thesis does not seek to explain how power in revolutionary Krasnoiarsk was “captured” or otherwise controlled by the Soviet alone. Instead, it applies a critical interpretation of state power proposed by Bob Jessop and other theorists, who view the state as a site of interaction and negotiation between multiple autonomous organisations and social actors, all of which have a stake in the way it operates in practice. It focuses on the emergence of a “soviet power” writ small, in which the Krasnoiarsk Soviet became an authoritative organisation within a broader constellation of revolutionary actors. Without denying the Soviet’s centrality within this power structure, the thesis does not explain its role simply as the monopolisation of authority over other would-be contenders. Rather, it sees the Soviet’s importance in its ability to establish itself as a focal point for interactions between multiple actors which, collectively, shaped state power at a local and regional level. It considers how the forms and practices of revolutionary power developed through these interactions and how these interactions in turn transformed the roles of actors and organisations engaging them. In order to unpick the complex and dynamic processes of revolutionary power, the thesis employs three core methodological concepts: institutions, mobilisation, and ideology. It makes several important and original arguments. Firstly, it emphasises the autonomy of social actors which supported the Soviet and engaged in its politics, demonstrating the extent to which they were able to shape its political functions and structures according to their own concerns. Secondly, it reveals the importance of skilled administrative personnel to Soviet work, highlighting the invaluable practical roles they played in the regulation of provisions and their ability to influence Soviet policy measures on this issue. Thirdly, it demonstrates the close cooperation between the Soviet and other local governmental and administrative bodies, including the city Duma and provisions regulatory organisations, which remained vital to fulfilling state functions throughout 1917. Finally, it discusses how the Soviet and socialist activists challenged established power relationships between Krasnoiarsk, as a locality, and all-Russian state authorities, revealing the growing importance they attached to securing greater local autonomy in revolution and the changing ways local actors viewed their role in wider all-Russian politics.