Bangweulu Wetlands is a 6000 km² public-private-partnership conservation area in northeastern Zambia, lying on the south-eastern margins of the Bangweulu Swamps, Congo River system. The area is important for wildlife conservation, tourism and as a fishing ground for the local inhabitants. This study provides a baseline of the fish and fisheries of this area. The conservation area is situated on the transition zone between woodland, floodplain and swamp. A total of 42 fish species representing 12 taxonomic families were collected. The fish fauna of the area was characterised by a diversity of small cyprinids (14 species), cichlids (9 species), clariid catfishes (4 species) and mormyrids (4 species). Species such as Clarias gariepinus, C. ngamensis, Marcusenius macrolepidotus, Tilapia rendali, T. sparrmanii and several small Barbus species were shared with adjacent floodplain systems such as the upper Zambezi and Kafue rivers. Fishing was undertaken by fishing groups consisting of a fisherman and his family, or a group of men fishing together. Access to the fishing grounds was controlled by traditional fishing leaders, who collected tribute from fishermen. Fishing groups utilised fixed, distinct fishing areas determined by ancestry. The most important time for fishing was during the drawdown phase of the floodplains, from March until June. During the dry season fewer groups were engaged in fishing, with many having returned to farming activities. The main fishing methods of the floodplain fishery were basket traps and mosquito-mesh funnel nets set into earth fish barriers (fish weirs) constructed on the plains, various mesh sizes of gillnets, hook longlines and seine nets. The use of fish spears, drag baskets and piscicides was of lesser importance. Most fishing gears were constructed of a variety of natural and modern, manufactured materials. The fishery was multi-species and 23 fish species were recorded from in catch. The three most important species in the catches were C. gariepinus, T. rendalli and M. macrolepidotus. Together these contributed 67% by weight to the catch. Catch-per-unit-effort (CPUE) for the different gears was 0.4 ± 0.3 kg.trap.night⁻¹ for basket traps, 2.7 ± 4.6 kg.net.night⁻¹ for funnel nets, 0.3 ± 0.5 kg.50 m net.night⁻¹ for gill nets, 3.5 ± 6.3 kg.100 hooks.night⁻¹ for longlines, 1.79 ± 1.11 kg.haul⁻¹ for mosquito-mesh seine nets and 6.87 ± 6.27 kg.haul⁻¹ for larger-mesh seine nets. The weight of average daily landings of fishing groups, using a variety of gears was 7.8 ± 7.4 kg. Fishermen were able to maintain the same catch rate between dry and wet seasons, with no significant differences (p < 0.05) in daily landings between seasons. Yield per fisherman for a seven month season, which required 2-3 relocations due to falling water level, was 1.64 t based on catch assessment, and 1.9 t from a socio-economic survey. A tentative yield per area estimate for the area was 2I7 kg.ha⁻¹ over the three month shallow-floodplain fishing season. Most fish landed in the fishery were processed into sundried or smoke-dried products. These were used for 1) home consumption, 2) trade with village farmers (from up to 70 km inland of the fishing grounds) in exchange for staple starch meal, and 3) sold to urban fish traders, reaching markets as distant as Lubumbashi in Democratic Republic of Congo. Fish traders toured fishing camps to buy fish, supporting auxiliary industries such as transport and accommodation services. The price for dried fish at source was 3.14 ± 1.34 USDlkg and the market price reported for the Zambian Copperbelt was 6.14 ± 2.54 USD/kg. Typical returns on investment in fish trading were estimated as 68-77%. The fishery was considered to be biologically and socially sustainable. By harvesting a seasonally transient assemblage of species with high productivity and biological turnover rates and with life histories adapted to high mortality, fishermen were able to maintain a stable and viable livelihood. Management recommendations for the area were that a fisheries management plan be developed that would seek to strengthen the traditional system of rights-allocation, address problems between fishing and tourism activities, and enhance communication between fisheries and conservation stakeholders. To do this it was recommended that: 1) conservation authorities recognise the importance of the fishery, 2) no changes to current effort levels and fishing methods were necessary, 3) points 1 and 2 above be used to improve communication and trust between conservation authorities and fishermen, 4) customary resource-access mechanisms be understood and strengthened so that local inhabitants' rights to the resource are protected, 5) fishermen help formulate and accept conservation and tourism rules, 6) tourists and guides be made aware of the function of the fishery, 7) a fisheries management forum of key community, government and conservation stakeholders be formed to shape and implement the fisheries management plan, 8) locally-adapted bylaws be created to legitimise crucial floodplain gears currently considered illegal (e.g. mosquito-net gears, fish weirs), 9) no intervention to formalise fish trading be made, and 10) a trained person with a fisheries background be hired oversee the implementation of the recommendations.

Largespot pompano, Trachinotus botla, is a surf zone carangid with a cosmopolitan distribution in subtropical and tropical waters. Within South Africa, the species occurs along the KwaZulu-Natal coastline where it is a popular recreational fishing target. Recreational fishing in southern Africa has developed significantly in recent years, and is now regarded as an industry with huge economic potential. The long-term contribution of South African recreational fisheries to local economies is reliant upon sustainable exploitation through effective management. Trachinotus botla was found to grow rapidly with maximum observed age of six years. Otolith growth zone deposition was validated using edge analysis. Growth was similar between males and females until ~350 mm FL after which females continued to grow while growth in males slowed. The resulting overall sex ratio was slightly female-biased (1 male: 1.3 females). Trachinotus botla matures early with all fish considered to be mature at 290 mm FL, which corresponds to an age of three years. A protracted spawning season was observed ranging from November to February and there was evidence to suggest that T. botla is a serial spawner. Dietary analysis indicates that T. botla is an opportunistic predator with a catholic diet. The opportunistic utilization of “superabundant” prey items is a fundamental characteristic of the species feeding habits. An ontogenetic dietary shift was observed at approximately 300 mm FL that was linked to a shift in habitat preference. This thesis provided the first evidence that infection by the tongue-replacing isopod, Cymothoa borbonica, reduces the growth rate of wild host fish populations despite not affecting the diet, feeding habits and feeding frequency of their hosts. These results also highlighted the inadequacy of condition factor as a proxy for quantifying the effects of cymothoids on their hosts, and identified the need to incorporate host age when assessing the effects of parasite infection. Information on the life-cycle of C. borbonica, including estimates of the hypothesized “infectious” period and its longevity were obtained through analysis of parasite infection patterns as a function of host age and length. An assessment of the T. botla shore fishery of KwaZulu-Natal using historical catch data revealed that the fishery is stable. Productivity of the T. botla fishery increased towards the north of KwaZulu-Natal. Distinct seasonal variations in the T. botla fishery were also noted with catches peaking in summer months and lowest during winter. A per-recruit assessment revealed that the species is currently underexploited (SBR = 62% of pristine levels), and fishing mortality rate could be doubled before reaching the spawner biomass-per recruit target reference point of FSB₄₀. A combination of the life history characteristics of species, the nature of the recreational shore fishery together with the current management regulation of 5 fish person⁻¹ day⁻¹ has ensured the sustainable utilization of the T. botla resource in KwaZulu-Natal.

L’objectif de cette thèse est d’améliorer la compréhension du fonctionnement et de la structure trophique du golfe de Gabès en Tunisie. Afin de concilier exigences écologiques et exploitation des ressources marines, différents modèles écosystémiques ont été développés pour étudier sa dynamique trophique et contribuer à la réflexion sur la mise en place de plans de gestion. Un modèle trophique d’équilibre de masse « Ecospace » a été construit afin d’évaluer les conséquences écosystémiques de différentes mesures de gestion. Les résultats des simulations ont permis d’explorer les interactions entre la pêche côtière et la pêche au chalut benthique et d’identifier des zones où les mesures de gestion sont effectives. Un modèle end-to-end a également été appliqué pour expliciter la dynamique des espèces considérées, depuis le forçage climatique jusqu'à la pêche. Cette approche de modélisation consiste à forcer le modèle individu-centré « OSMOSE » par un modèle biogéochimique « Eco3MMed ». Ce modèle a permis d’établir une représentation cohérente du réseau trophique et de simuler des scénarios de gestion théoriques de mise en réserve. Le modèle end-to-end a également été utilisé pour étudier la sensibilité d’un ensemble d’indicateurs écologiques à la pression de pêche. Les résultats ont révélé que les indicateurs de taille sont les plus adaptés pour faire le suivi de l’impact de la pêche dans le golfe de Gabès. Au final, une approche comparative entre plusieurs écosystèmes méditerranéens a été mise en place avec le modèle EcoTroph pour comparer leurs structures trophiques et explorer les effets de plusieurs niveaux d’exploitation par l’analyse de leurs spectres trophiques. / The objective of this thesis is to improve the understanding of trophic structure and functioning of the gulf of Gabes in Tunisia. In order to reconcile environmental concerns and exploitation of marine resources, different ecosystem models have been developed to study the ecosystem dynamics and contribute to the discussion on the implementation of management plans. A spatial and temporal dynamic model “Ecospace” was built to evaluate the ecosystem consequences of different management measures based on scenarios derived from the current regulation. The results of simulations allowed to investigate the interactions between coastal and benthic trawl fishing and to identify areas where management measures are effective. An end-to-end model has been applied to the gulf of Gabes ecosystem to represent the dynamics of 11 high trophic level species, from climate forcing to fishing.This modelling approach consists in forcing the individual-based model "OSMOSE" by a biogeochemical model "ECO3M-Med". This model allowed to establish a coherent representation of the food web and simulate theoretical management scenarios of spatial fishing closure. The end-to-end model has also been used to study the sensitivity of a set of ecological indicators to fishing pressure. The simulation of different levels of fishing mortality showed that size indicators were the most relevant to monitor the impact of fishing in the gulf of Gabes. Finally, a comparative approach between several Mediterranean ecosystems was applied using the EcoTroph model to compare their trophic structures and explore the effects of different levels of fishing pressure through the analysis of their trophic spectra.

Parmi les nombreuses activités exercées sur les systèmes socio-écologiques littoraux, la pêche récréative a connu un essor important devenant ainsi un enjeu de développement durable. En France, les défauts de gouvernance de l'État dans la gestion du DPM invitent à s'interroger sur la pertinence et la faisabilité d'une co-gestion de ces pratiques de loisir. Ce paradigme, se voulant une alternative à une gestion top-down, prône la participation accrue des populations locales dans la gestion de l'environnement pour améliorer ses résultats. L'île d'Oléron ne déroge pas à ces constats qui sont renforcés par les modifications sociétales spécifiques aux territoires insulaires. Dans le cadre de recherches dont l'objet d'étude est une problématique sociétale, il est approprié de faire appel à une approche interdisciplinaire pour améliorer la pertinence des réponses apportées. Concernant la pêche à pied récréative à l'étrille, les résultats obtenus en biologie et en écologie mettent en évidence des caractéristiques qui semblent indiquer un faible impact potentiel à court comme à long termes de ces perturbations ponctuelles sur les populations locales. D'un point de vue sociétal, la pertinence d'une co-gestion de la pêche récréative est clairement établie par les nombreux conflits d'usages impliquant les pêcheurs récréatifs, le manque de moyens pour gérer la pratique et acquérir des données scientifiques, le manque de concertation, etc. La dynamique de développement du territoire oléronais et les initiatives locales à l'instar des conflits d'usages soutiennent l'idée de l'existence d'une « fenêtre politique » pouvant permettre la mise en place d'une co-gestion de la pratique dans les prochaines années, sous réserve d'une communication suffisante et d'une réelle volonté des acteurs concernés par la gestion de la pratique. / Among several other activities practice on coastal socio-ecological system, recreational fishing ones have significantly increased over the past few years, becoming an issue for sustainable development. In France, the weakness of states governance concerning DPM management, questions the relevancy and feasibility of a co-management policy for these leisure activities. This paradigm, constituting a good substitute for top-down management, recommends an increased participation of local populations for managing environments and improving their outcomes. Oléron Island is thus affected by these observations, which are intensified by societal changes distinguishing island territories. In the current research context, aiming at solving societal problematic, it is relevant to consider an interdisciplinary approach to provide relevant answers. Concerning recreational shellfish gathering targeting the velvet swimming crab, results in biology and ecology highlight some characteristics which should indicate a weak short and long terms potential impact of the disturbances affecting local populations. As regards to societal aspects, the relevancy of co-management is clearly demonstrated by several land-use conflicts, a lack of means to manage the practice and scientific data, the lack of consultation, etc. The territorial dynamic and local initiatives, as well as land-use conflicts, underline the existence of a “political window” which should allow the implementation of a co-management process for recreational fishing in the following years, subject to further efficient communication and a real desire from stakeholders concerned by the management of this practice.

Text in English with abstracts in English, Afrikaans and Zulu / Zanzibar is a region with a rich coastal biodiversity, with the marine environment providing a vast majority of the nation’s income through fishing and tourism activities. These coastal resources consist of white sandy beaches and clear blue water, rich in biodiversity and ecosystem processes. The human coastal populations residing in many of the coastal villages rely on the ocean to provide means of sustenance and income through fishing activities. In order to effectively manage these coastal resources, an integrated resource and environmental management approach needs to be adopted. This study aimed to identify and investigate the current fishing practices used by local fishermen by means of semi-structured interviews and informal discussions with local fishermen and villagers. The study shows that a vast majority of the fishermen, who reside in the villages surrounding Mnemba Island, are of the opinion that the increased number of tourist-related activities has resulted in a decline in fish stocks. This was attributed to the steady increase in the number of fishermen, as well as the lack of proper fishing vessels and equipment. This study also assessed data provided by the &Beyond Lodge situated on Mnemba Island. The study provides recommendations and conclusions for effective fisheries management in order to achieve a sustainable fishing model for the fishing grounds surrounding Mnemba Island, Zanzibar, Tanzania. / Zanzibar spog met wit sandstrande, helderblou water en ʼn groot biodiversiteit kuslangs. Naas toerisme is visvang die vernaamste inkomstebron. Die inwoners van talle kusdorpe maak immers ʼn bestaan uit visvang. ʼn Geïntegreerde hulpbron- en omgewingsbestuursplan is noodsaaklik om hulpbronne langs die kus volhoubaar te benut. Hierdie studie het gepoog om die heersende visvangpraktyke te bepaal deur halfgestruktureerde onderhoude en informele gesprekke met vissers en kusbewoners te voer. Data wat deur die &Beyond Lodge op die eiland Mnemba verstrek is, is ook by die studie betrek. Dit blyk dat die meeste vissers, wat op die eiland Mnemba woon, van mening is dat groeiende toerisme ʼn daling in visgetalle tot gevolg het. Hulle skryf die kleiner vangste insgelyks toe aan ʼn geleidelike toename in die aantal vissers en ʼn gebrek aan behoorlike vissersvaartuie en toerusting. Hierdie studie doen ten slotte aanbevelings vir ʼn volhoubare bestuursmodel in die visvanggebied om die eiland Mnemba digby Zanzibar in Tanzanië. / I-Zanzibar iyisiyingi esinothe ngenhlobo eyahlukahlukene yendalo yemvelo engasogwini lolwandle, kanti indawo yasolwandle yiyo kanye engenisa imali eningi ngemisebenzi yokudoba kanye nemboni yezokuvakasha. Le mithombo eyigugu elingasogwini lolwandle yequkethe amabhishi anezihlabathi zolwandle ezimhlophe kanye namanzi acwebezelayo, kanti inothile ngendalo yemvelo kanye nohlelo lwendalo yemvelo. Izihlwele zabantu ezihlala ngasogwini lolwandle ezigodini eziningi ezigudle ulwandle impilo yazo yencike olwandle ukuze iziphilise futhi ingenise imali ngokudoba izinhlanzi. Ukuze le ithombo yempilo yasolwandle ilawulwe ngendlela efanele, kudingeka uhlelo lwezokuphathwa kwendawo olwamukelekile. Lolu cwaningo luhlose ukuvumbulula kanye nokuphenya izingqubo zokudoba ezisetshenziswa abadobi basekhaya ngokuqhuba izinhlolovo ezihleliwe kanye nezingxoxo ezingahlelekile nabadobi bendawo kanye nezakhamuzi zalezo zigodi. Ucwaningo selukhombisile ukuthi inqwaba yabadobi abahlala ezindaweni ezigudle isiQhingi saseMnemba zinombono wokuthi inani elengeziwe lemisebenzi emayelana nezivakashi yiyo kanye esedale ukuthi inani lezinhlanzi linciphe kanti futhi lokhu sekuholele ekutheni kukhule inani labadobi basezindaweni lezo zasemakhaya kanye nokwentuleka kweziketshana zokudoba ezifanele kanye nezisetshenziswa. Lolu cwaningo futhi luhlola idatha enikezelwe yi--the &Beyond Lodge engasesiQhingini saseMnemba. Ucwaningo lunikeza izinqumo kanye neziphetho ezimayelana nokuphatha kahle ukuze kufinyelelwe kwimodeli yezokudoba esimelele ukwenzela indawo yokudoba ezombeleze isiQhingi saseMnemba, e-Zanzibar kanye naseTanzania. / Department of Environmental Sciences / M. Sc. (Environmental Management)

KwaGandaganda is an Early Iron Age (EIA) site in the .Mngeni valley (KwaZulu-Nata~ South Africa). Three cultural phases, Msuluzi, Ndondondwane and Ntshekane, dating between AD 620- AD 1030 were identified. The objective was to establish the extent of animal exploitation during the EIA in KwaZulu-Natal by means of faunal analysis, using internationally accepted methods. The collection included 41 006 fragments of which 22.9% were identifiable. A large number of species (68) were identified, including Rattus rattus. The collection yielded the largest quantity of ivory chips ever found on an EIA site in southern Africa, as well as an extensive variety of pathological specimens, mostly from Bos taurus. Several possible divining bones were present in the sample. Herd management, hunting strategies, gathering activities, fishing and trading of animal goods during the EIA were discussed, while the consequences of the unique excavation methods (i.e. the use of bulldozers) were also commented upon. / Anthropology and Archaeology / M.A. (Anthropology)

Subsistence fishing is impacting on freshwater and marine biodiversity to the extent of extinction of some fish species. These illegal subsistence fishermen have created a huge impact on marine biodiversity, irrespective of marine and riverine laws that are put in place and practiced. There have been attempt to provide subsistence fishing extension officer services to facilitate in bringing subsistence fishermen fully into the management system, in an orderly and equitable manner, by facilitating the granting of formal subsistence fishing right, providing permits via policy management and effective rules via permit applications. However the follow up process as to whether these policies and rules administered is effective or not has not been measured. This investigation attempts to identify potential fishing that should be considered as suitable for subsistence fisheries in selected highly exploitable areas. Though it cannot be confirmed from previous studies that some relevant organizations are not fully taking their responsibilities, the study will further enable exploration of options and challenges associated with future management of subsistence fisheries and provide recommendations to enable proper implementation of the policies and legislations. / Environmental Sciences / M. Env. Sc. (Agriculture and Environmental Affairs)

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study focuses on the gendered social relations that are attached to food, through an exploration of women’s management of food and food security in poor households in Paternoster, a small fishing community on the west coast of the Western Cape Province of South Africa. My study explores how women navigate the everyday provision, management and distribution of food within a context of limited resources, with food understood both in terms of sustenance and as implicated in processes whereby gender norms and larger concerns with ‘respectability’ (ordentlikheid) are established and maintained under difficult economic conditions. One of the important strategies employed to ensure food security within households in Paternoster is the establishment and maintenance by and among women of foodways in and between households. An exploration of foodways between households sheds light on the various social networks that exist in Paternoster and the important role of women within these networks. Paternoster is a space where the navigation of these issues is informed by the long history of subsistence fishing in the area and the symbolism attached to fish and fishing in the ways in which the local fishing community engages with the challenges of food security. Of particular interest is how women manage individual and/or household food security in Paternoster in the light of existing gender dynamics involved in the production, collection and consumption of food. The sharp division of labour historically has meant that women have traditionally been involved in the pre- and post-harvest sector, rather than in the actual catching of fish. This study is also driven by concerns around the impacts of the changing fishing environment on food security and social relations in this small village. One of the major consequences of these changes is the feeling of impending food insecurity experienced by many households. The increase in mechanization in marine resource use activities, drastic changes in fishing policies and the process of fisheries rights allocations as well as diminishing fish stocks are systematically impacting on the social systems and lived experiences of the people who were, and still are, heavily dependent on the fishing industry in Paternoster for their livelihoods.. Paternoster has seen the development of new sources of employment as a result of the growth of tourism, which has presented women in particular with new work opportunities, including working in guest houses and restaurants. However, this is on the low wage end. In this context the management of food security within the household and between households through maintaining foodways and established food networks is predominantly the responsibility of women. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie fokus op sosiale verhoudings van gender wat verband hou met voedsel, deur‘n verkenning van vroue se bestuur van voedsel en voedselsekerheid in arm huishoudings in Paternoster, ‘n klein vissersgemeenskap aan die weskus van die Wes-Kaap Provinsie van Suid-Afrika. My studie verken hoe vroue die daaglikse voorsiening, bestuur en verspreiding van voedsel navigeer in ‘n konteks van beperkte hulpbronne, met ‘n begrip van voedsel as lewensmiddele sowel as geïmpliseer in prosesse waarin gender-norme en ‘n gerigtheid op 'ordentlikheid' onder moeilike ekonomiese omstandighede gevestig en onderhou word. Een van die belangrike strategieë wat deur en tussen vroue in huishoudings in Paternoster onderneem word om voedselsekerheid te verseker is die vestiging en onderhouding van voedselnetwerke (foodways) in en tussen huishoudings. ‘n Verkenning van voedselnetwerke tussen huishoudings werp lig op die verskeidenheid sosiale netwerke wat in Paternoster bestaan en die belangrike rol van vroue in hierdie netwerke. Paternoster is ‘n plek waar die navigasie van hierdie kwessies ingelig word deur die lang geskiedenis van bestaansvissery in die gebied sowel as die simboliek wat aan vis en visvang geheg word in die wyses waarop die plaaslike gemeenskap met die uitdagings van voedselsekerheid handel. Wat van besondere belang is, is hoe vroue individuele en huishoudelike voedselsekerheid in Paternoster bestuur in die lig van die bestaande gender-dinamika met betrekking tot die produksie, versameling en gebruik van voedsel. Die skerp historiese geslagsverdeling van arbeid het beteken dat vroue tradisioneel betrokke was in die voor- en na-oes proses, eerder as in die werklike vang van vis. Hierdie studie word ook gemotiveer deur kommer oor die impak wat die veranderende vissery-omgewing op voedselsekerheid en sosiale verhoudings in hierdie dorpie het. Een van die belangrikste gevolge van hierdie veranderinge is die gevoel van dreigende voedselonsekerheid wat deur talle huishoudings ondervind word. Die toename in meganisering in die aktiwiteite rondom die gebruik van mariene hulpbronne, die drastiese veranderinge in visserybeleid en die toekenningsproses van visregte asook die afname in visbronne impakteer sistemies op die sosiale sisteme en ervaring van die mense wat sterk afhanklik was van die visindustrie in Paternoster vir hul leeftog afhanklik was en nog steeds is. Paternoster het die ontwikkeling van nuwe bronne van werk ervaar as gevolg van die groei van toerisme. Dit het aan vroue veral nuwe werksgeleenthede gebied, insluitend werk in gastehuise en restourante. Hierdie werk was egter op die lae loonvlak. In hierdie konteks is die bestuur van voedselsekerheid binne die huishouding en tussen huishoudings, deur die handhawing van foodways en gevestigde voedselnetwerke hoofsaaklik die verantwoordelikheid van vroue.

1982年《聯合國海洋法公約》確立了專屬經濟區的制度後，公海成為海洋生物資源養護與管理的一大缺口，特別是在養護與管理跨界及高度洄游魚群上產生防護的漏洞。1995年國際間通過《聯合國跨界與高度洄游魚類協定》，旨在履行《聯合國海洋法公約》關於養護跨界與高度洄游魚群之規定，並進一步訂立更完善之規範，特別是協定重視各區域性漁業組織之功能，期能透過該些組織，更有效率地管理並養護各區域之跨界與高度洄游魚群。因此，《聯合國海洋法公約》、1995年協定與區域性漁業組織相互間透過法律規範，從架構、實踐與實際執行這三方面試圖形塑一個較為嚴謹及嚴密的網絡。 2004年中西太平洋漁業委員會（WCPFC）成立。協定與委員會透過登臨與檢查的方式，以養護與管理在公海海域之跨界與洄游魚群。然公海自由及公海上由船旗國管轄乃習慣國際法，而為在保育海洋生物資源，在公海上採取相互登臨與檢查為國際海洋法發展之趨勢。由於登臨與檢查乃涉及一國之主權問題，台灣因於國際上之特殊地位，在WCPFC中之登臨與檢查權便為一值得探討之議題。 《WCPFC登檢程序》規定《WCPFC公約》之締約方有相互登臨檢查之權利與義務，而WCPFC之會員有被登檢之義務。由於台灣乃以漁業實體之身份加入，成為WCPFC之會員，並非《WCPFC公約》之締約方，因此台灣是否有登檢其他會員船舶之權利便為我方關切之議題。筆者透過對1995年協定、《WCPFC公約》，以及《WCPFC登檢程序》之分析，認為台灣倘與其他會員或《WCPFC公約》締約方締結登檢協議，則台灣與協議締約方間當可享有《WCPFC登檢程序》中規定之完整的登檢權利與義務，而不受僅為「會員」身份所造成之模糊地位所限制。 / As the 1982 LOS Convention establishes the concept of Exclusive Economic Zone, the high seas has not only become the rest areas without authorities’ jurisdiction, but also been a breach of the conservation and management of living recourses, especially in aspect of the conservation and management of straddling and highly migratory stocks. In 1995, Straddling Stocks Agreement was approved, in which the main purpose is to enforce the principles of LOS Convention relating to the conservation and management of straddling and highly migratory stocks. Straddling Stocks Agreement respects the functions of the regional fishing organizations and expects it to manage and conserve straddling and highly migratory stocks more efficiently in each region. Consequently, through making stipulations, the LOS Convention, 1995 Agreement, and regional fishing organizations attempt to build up a strict network of framework, implementation, and enforcement. In 2004, WCPFC Commission was founded. Through boarding and inspection, 1995 Agreement and WCPFC Commission conserve and manage the straddling and highly migratory stocks. Although the high-seas freedoms and flag State jurisdiction are the parts of customary international law, it is the trend in development of international law to adopt boarding and inspection in high seas for conserving living resources in ocean. Due to boarding and inspection concerning the sovereignty, as the special status in international society, Taiwan’s boarding and inspection rights in WCPFC Commission become a disputed issue. WCPFC Boarding and Inspection Procedures imply that the Contracting Parties of WCPFC Convention have rights and obligations to board and inspect each other’s ships, but the members of WCPFC only have the obligation of being boarded and inspected. Since Taiwan, as the fishing entity, participated in WCPFC as the Member rather than the Contracting Parties. As a result, whether Taiwan possessing any rights to board and inspect other members’ ships is concerned by Taiwan’s authority. By analyzing 1995 Agreement, WCPFC Convention, and WCPFC Boarding and Inspection Procedures, the author concludes that if Taiwan has the agreements relating to boarding and inspection with other Members or Contracting Parties, Taiwan would absolutely possess the full rights and obligations, which the WCPFC Boarding and Inspection Procedures stipulate, without constrained by its ambiguous status caused by the role of Member.

This dissertation shows that the forest Sami of Arvidsjaurbyn (the forest Sami community in Arvidsjaur) were actors on an economic, social and societal level. The parish of Arvidsjaur was founded by the Swedish state in the beginning of the 17th century. The dissertation is a source study. The primary area of investigation consists of the then existing Arvidsjaurbyn in Pite lappmark (the Sami region of Pite). With regard to economic and societal changes, comparative studies have been made of the forest Sami neighbours in the south, Uhmeåbyn (the forest Sami community in Ume lappmark), and the neighbours in the north, Jokkmokk and Sjokksjokk (forest Sami communities in Lule lappmark). Arvidsjaurbyn is unique as a research object, since the community consisted of no other Sami category but the forest Sami. They had cooperated under private management with each other and communicated with the state and the church for more than one hundred years before the first settler arrived (in 1757). Traditionally the forest Sami have been dependent on three industries, namely fishing, hunting and reindeer husbandry. In the 18th century the reindeer herding came to be dominant. The forest Sami showed that they could handle important issues in the encounter with the state and the church. Forest Sami lay assessors successfully defended the Sami community’s industries at the district court sessions. The economic differences among them were not great and the internal solidarity in the Sami community was strong. Arvidsjaurbyn was a Sami community with a considerable population increase 1750–1800. From the 1740s the Swedish state’s policy vis-à- vis the forest Sami became increasingly clear; they ought to pass on to the agricultural industry. The forest Sami were, however, not convinced to adhere to this state policy. Around 1800 the administration of lappskatteland (the taxation area of each forest Sami) came to be moved from the local district court to the county administrative boards, which was a considerable adversity for the forest Sami’s development potentialities. This dissertation is one of the few that problematizes the forest Sami in Sweden. It reveals a sustainable, cooperative, resilient and innovative society. / Denna avhandling om skogssamerna behandlar förändringarna i deras samhälle 1650–1800. Bland allmänheten är skogssamerna inte lika kända som fjällsamerna. En del forskning om skogssamerna har genomförts men då i sammanhang där den fjällsamiska forskningsdelen legat i förgrunden. I avhandlingen påvisas att skogssamerna hade kontroll på utvecklingen av sina näringar: De var därmed aktörer på en social och samhällelig nivå i samebyn, Arvidsjaurbyn. Omkring år 1800 skulle denna ordning, på grund av statliga åtgärder, komma att försvagas. Om vi hade kunnat besöka Övre Norrland omkring 1650 skulle vi ha träffat på skogssamer från Kemi lappmark i öster ned till skogslandet som omger Ångermanälven och dess biflöden i söder. Deras område gränsade mot fjällterrängen i väster och de uppodlade kustbygderna i öster. I dessa milsvida skogsområden var skogssamerna inbyggarna medan området säsongsvis nyttjades av kustbönderna för fiskets skull och av fjällsamerna för dess vinterbetesmarker. Skogssamernas kärnområde av idag utgörs av Arvidsjaurs och Malå kommuner med utlöpare in i Arjeplogs, Jokkmokks och Gällivare kommuner. Avhandlingen är en källstudie om skogssamerna 1650–1800. Källorna består av domböcker, skattelängder, befolkningstabeller, kyrkböcker, visitationsprotokoll och avräkningsböcker. Skogssamerna har studerats ned på individnivå varefter resultaten sammanförts, analyserats, generaliserats och diskuterats. Redan tidigt i avhandlingsarbetet stod det klart att lappskattelandet var en viktig del när förändringar i skogssamernas samhälle skulle undersökas. Undersökningsområdet omfattar dåvarande Arvidsjaurbyn i Pite lappmark där jämförande studier, med avseende på ekonomiska och samhälleliga förändringar, har gjorts med skogssamegrannarna i söder, Uhmeåbyn, och grannarna i norr, Jokkmokk och Sjokksjokk. Arvidsjaurbyn är unik som forskningsobjekt eftersom byn bestod av enbart skogssamer. Som skogssamer hade man i egen regi samarbetat med varandra och kommunicerat med stat och kyrka i över hundra år innan förste nybyggaren anlände. Den var egen socken och eget kyrkligt, rättsligt och administrativt område. Marknaden i Arvidsjaur var av gammalt datum och under 1700-talet kom marknadshandeln att utvecklas. Mot slutet av 1600-talet kom den fjällsamiska nomadismen att sätta sina spår i vinterskogslandet. Under första halvan av 1700-talet kom skogssamerna att stämma fjällsamer inför tinget för betesintrång. Dessa avtog avsevärt fram till 1800. Den fjällsamiska rennomadismen kom ändå inte att påverka skogssamerna särskilt mycket. De blev viktigare som skogssamernas förebilder för hur man ökar numerären i sin renhjord. Under 1750-talet inleddes en mer omfattande kolonisation av lappmarkerna. Arvidsjaurbyn blev den sista av de svenska lappmarkernas skogssamebyar som koloniserades (från och med 1757). Skogssamerna i Åsele, Ume, Pite och Lule lappmarker påverkades olika mycket av nybyggarnas intåg. Efter 1750 kom de flesta av skogssamernas lappskatteland i Uhmeåbyn i Ume lappmark att gå förlorade till nybyggarna med den påföljden att Uhmeåbyn (nuvarande Lycksele kommun) i praktiken hade upphört omkring år 1800. Skogssamebyarna norr däremot utvecklade sina näringar. Dit hörde Arvidsjaurbyn som ännu finns kvar (nuvarande skogssamebyarna Malå, Mausjaur, Östra Kikkejaur och Västra Kikkejaur). Förklaringarna till denna förmåga till överlevnad är onekligen intressanta. Skogssamerna har traditionellt lutat sig mot tre näringar nämligen fiske, jakt och renskötsel. Omkring 1650 dominerade jakt och fiske. Under 1700-talet kom renskötseln att bli dominerande. I den förändringen gick skogssamerna sin egen väg. Efter 1750 började man dela på lappskattelanden och renhjordarna ökade i storlek – en hållbar näringsutveckling som blev starten för näringen av idag. Arvidsjaurbyn var en av samebyarna med en befolkningsökning 1750–1800. Nybyggarna i Arvidsjaur kom inte att påverka skogssamernas näringar på ett allvarligt sätt förrän efter år 1800. Samtidigt omvandlades skogssamernas samhälle och man såg till att behålla sitt inflytande på olika arenor. Skogssamerna var en viktig del av det kyrkliga sammanhanget, skogssamiska nämndemän försvarade med framgång deras näringar, de visade att de kunde hantera viktiga frågor i mötet med staten. De ekonomiska skillnaderna dem emellan var inte stora och den inre sammanhållningen i samebyn var stark. I avhandlingen konstateras att skogssamerna var aktörer, inte offer. De hade därmed en maktposition att hantera framförallt i sina näringsfrågor. Att det var så berodde på deras förmåga till självorganisering och självstyre. Den svenska staten formade Arvidsjaurbyn som en administrativ enhet från 1600- talets början och in i 1700-talet och ska under 1700-talet ses som en strukturell maktfaktor. Reformen av lappskatten genomfördes 1695. Under 1740-talet ändrades förutsättningarna för fattiga samers flyttningar till den av svenska bönder bebodda bottenvikskusten. Nu krävdes att de hade ett arbete dit de kom och att flyttningen skulle vara reglerad hos myndigheterna i avflyttnings- och inflyttningssocknen. Under inledningen av 1750-talet drogs gränsen mellan bönderna vid bottenvikskusten och lappmarken upp. Den innebar framförallt att det nu var slut med kustböndernas fiskefärder till sjöarna i lappmarkerna. Dock: Under senare delen av 1700-talet utvecklades den svenska statens ståndpunkt om skogssamernas näringar att de borde övergå till jordbruksnäringen. Skogssamerna lät sig dock inte övertygas. Först senare, in på 1830- talet, kom skogssamer i Arvidsjaurbyn, att i någon omfattning, bli nybyggare. En statlig negativ makt i betydelsen att det blev en betydande motgång för skogssamerna genomdrevs in på 1800-talet då lappskattelandsärenden flyttas från det lokala tinget till länsstyrelserna. Ändå var tiden fram till år 1800 gynnsam för skogssamerna. Det århundrade som följde skulle komma att innehålla stora och svåra utmaningar som inte blev mindre av att skogssamernas inflytande, på grund av statliga åtgärder, skulle komma att minska. / Sammanfattning på umesamiska Dáhta doktårbargguo lúvletjij bijrra sijttá tjielgastit syöbradahkan virduodiemiev 1650–1800 tjuöhtiejäbij gaskasne. Lúvletjij viessuomvyjjarh eäh almatjijste leäh aktta åhppásh guh váriegij vyjjarh. Múvtieme uhtsadiebmie leä gujt dahktuvvame valla dalluojge váriegij ienabe guh lúvletjij viessuome leä guövddielisne urrame. Jis máhttiet lúvlijmeh mannat Bijjie-Nuorttalándasne 1650 lúhkien bájkiesne lúvlijmeh gávnadame Giebmasámieniednaman lúvletjijgújme luldnie, juhkh vumatlándasne vyössan, jah sämij dan lándasne juhka gidd’ Jeanoen jah dan lijggietjätsij gujga ållá. Jilliele dan dáhvuon leä bijjielándda jah lúvlielde jis mierradáhvuoj búnddedädtjij åhkierh. Dajn vuavdnájen vijđies vumadahkijne lúvletjh vyössan. Jábien äjgij mehte búndh dáhvuojde guelleman dehte ednen jah váriegh jis dálvvieguohtuoman dehte. Lúvletjij guovdátjedáhvuo gåvdnije údne Árviesjávrien jah Málágan kommuvnijne jah dassa lissiene iednamah ájáj Árjepluovien, Jåhkåmåhkien jah Jiellevárien kommuvnij sissnie. Dáhta doktårbargguo leä gåldijeuhtsadiebmie lúvletjij bijrra jäbijne 1650–1800. Gåldijieh leäh duobmuogirjieh, skáhttietsiehkuodissah, viesáttjållash, jessembuörddiegirjieh jah åsiestemegirjjieh. Uhtsadiebmie leä dáhktuvvame gidd’ vihtties almatjij rájjáje jah die leäh áj miŋŋiele sjadduoh såpkatuvvame jah nålggastemijne åbbaláhkáje giehtjadallatuvvame. Juo árrade uhtsademebarguosne däjđuv, lij ge åhpies gúktie skáhttielándh lijjen ájnas åssie lúvletjij syöbradahkan virduodemij jessemijste. Muv ájdnasummas uhtsademedáhvuo leä dållatje Árviesjávrien tjeälddie Byöhđaman sámieniednamisne. Leäb ájáj bednegevyrrarij jah syöbradahkan guohtáje lúvletjijde årjiene jeäbddastallame, Ubmejentjieldiesne, jah kránnájde nuortane, Jå- hkåmåhkien jah Sjuokksjåhkån tjieldijne. Árviesjávrien tjeälddie leä ájdnalágátje uhtsademesuörggiene, júhte tjieldiesne lijjen gájks lúvletjh. Lúvletjh ednen jijtjase vuögijde akttane barggat jah stáhtijne jah gïrkuojne guvlatallat bijjiele tjuöhtie jábieh uvddale guh vuostas búndh búhten. Tjeälddie lij jijtjase suaknnuo, gïrkkuo-, diggie- jah tjudtjatusdáhvuone. 1750 jäbij ájgien älgij vijđies iednamválddiemedåjbma sämij dáhvuojne. Árviesjávrien tjeälddie sjaddij miŋŋijmus lúvletjij tjieldijste sámieniednamisne, gússnie dahta dahktuvvij. Sjeltien, Ubmejen, Byöhđamen jah Julevun sámieniednamijne stuövies urratahkh lijjen vádnásh. Miŋŋiele 1750 lúvletjij skáhttielándh Uhmebïvdna (Ubmejen Tjeälddie) Ubmejen sámieniednamisne byöjsstan uđđastubij tseggemij dehte, mastie sjaddij júhte Uhmebïvdna (dálátje Lïkssjuon kommuvdna) lij tjeälddiene nåhkame 1800 tjuöhtiejäbij bijrra. Lúvletjij tjieldijne jis jielátissah nïnnuostuvvijeäh. Dajdde guvlij Árviesjávrien tjeälddie juhka villie údnek leä báhtsáme (Mávasjávrrie, Luvlatje jah Jilliebe Giehkure). Dassa lij dáhta vuođđuone ahtie lúvletjh ärbij tsaggie, nammadum guöllie- jah návddiebïvduojne jah båtsuojsuojtuojne, vyössan. 1650 jäbij äjgijne lijgan bïvdduo jah guelleme åjvviejielátissane jah 1700 tjuöhtiejäbij ájgien sjaddij båtsuojbargguo mierriedijjiene jah bájdnagúdij sagga sijjij viessuomvyjjarijde. Dan virduodemesne lúvletjh välljejijjen jijtjase tjåvddiemijde. Skáhttielándijde juogadeäh jah dan miŋŋiele ieluoh stuorránin Árviesjávrien tjeälddie lij tjieldij gaskasne aktta, gússnie vuojnuos ålbmagestuorruome sjaddij ájggiegaskasne 1750-1800. Lúvletjij syöbradahka jietjátuvvij dan mehte guh lägedijjen júhte bájdniemefábmuo bätsij sijjije. Lúvletjh lijjen åssiene gïrkuoste jah gïrkuon vyjjarijste, sämij dålmanjh (tålmannijh) gähtten buoragikta jijtjase jielátissijde. Vuösietijjen júhte mähtten dåjmadit dárbuoj mehte stáhtijne jah gïrkuojne jah ájnasikta sïhttáh úvdiedit åsiestiemiev. Ekonomijjasne eäh lama juogdish nåv stuorráh jah tjeälddie lij sisŋielde geävrra. 1750 lúhkien jäbij rájieste gidd’ 1800 kruvnan dahkuoh sämij vuösstie Sverjesne byjkkasissa sjedden, júhtie lúvletjh byörrijeäh sjaddat iednamberggijiene. Ussjadellen máje júhte lúvletjij viessuomtjeärdda lij úhtsiebe árvuoste jah udtja dan dehte byöjsstat. Valla lúvletjh dassa idtjen mivvah eäh geän tjuovuoh mab guhtjadijjen. 1800 tjuöhtejábien rájjáje lúvletjh úvdiedellen Árviesjávrien tjieldien jielátissijde ja sämij ålbmage stuoruoj. Miŋŋiele gújt, lahkabisne 1830-lúhkien ájggáje, lúvletjh múvtieme mierráje sjedden hiejmánij iejgádiene. Viehka vuösstiemanname lij dahta guh vuostas åsiesne 1800 tjuöhtiejäbijne lánddajessemah diggij vuöldie sirdietuvvijeäh lienatjudtjatussan vuolláje. Ihkabe ájggie 1800 tjuöhtiejäbij rájjáje lij buerijmus ájggie lúvletjijde. Tjuöhtiejáhpie juhka dalluoj búdij buektij sämijde stuorra jah lussas hásstiemijde, juhkh idtjen unnánh stáhtan dåjmaj dehte. / <p>Avhandlingen ingår även i institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudiers skriftserie <em>Historiska studier: Skrifter från Umeå universitet 10.</em> </p>