Aquesta tesi és una monografia etnogràfica que se sustenta en 9 anys de recerca entre la població rifenya de Catalunya (en especial de la comarca d’Osona). Els rifenys són la població amazigh (berbers) provinent de les muntanyes del Rif, al nord del Marroc. Fonamentada en l’observació participant com a tècnica principal i també en les entrevistes en profunditat i semipautades, aquesta recerca aborda la descripció i l’anàlisi etnogràfica del procés reproductiu de la població rifenya, entès aquest com les formes de representació, conceptualització i les pràctiques que tenen com a objectiu la reproducció del grup i del seu ordre social. Dins del procés reproductiu es trobaria el procés procreatiu (concepció, gestació, part i postpart) que, com a forma de reproducció biològica del grup, esdevé l’element central i vertebrador del procés reproductiu i a partir del qual totes les seves formes socioculturals de representació i les pràctiques associades a aquestes, s’articulen per a aconseguir el seu èxit: el naixement d’un nou membre i l’assoliment de la maduresa social de pare i mare. Partint des d’una perspectiva folk que considera moltes fases i esdeveniments del procés reproductiu dins l’àmbit de la salut, aquesta etnografia té com a marc la intersecció entre el domini teòric del parentiu (entès com la regulació sociocultural de la procreació, l’adscripció i la criança i cura dels infants) i el de la salut. I és des d’aquesta percepció que es presenta el model d’articulació dels sistemes mèdics que empren els rifenys (biomèdic, alcorànic i rifeny), cada un dels quals és utilitzat, segons la lògica subjacent, en diferents moments del procés reproductiu. Tres són els objectius principals d’aquest treball: el primer és d’ordre empíric. Amb les dades etnogràfiques obtingudes a partir de l’observació participant, s’ha volgut omplir el buit etnogràfic sobre la població rifenya, la resident a Catalunya i, en menor mesura, també la del Marroc. El segon objectiu és d’ordre teòric. Aquesta etnografia ha pres com a marc teòric la proposta de domini teòric del parentiu, situant-se en el què la definició de parentiu anomena intersecció, en aquest cas amb l’àmbit de la salut en ambdós casos, tal com els entenen els rifenys. Finalment, el tercer objectiu és d’ordre metodològic. Partint de la tècnica de l’observació participant com a principal, l’objectiu ha estat situar-la i fer-ne una apologia en un context en el que les investigacions antropològiques tendeixen a privilegiar altres tècniques de forma exclusiva que proporcionen dades parcials en menys temps. Aquesta etnografia esdevé descriptiva, interpretativa i analítica des d’un vessant expressament clàssic i empíric. S’estructura entorn de dos volums que, tenint entitats diferents, són independents l’un de l’altre alhora que es complementen. En el primer volum es descriuen i s’analitzen qüestions com: perfils sociodemogràfics de la població rifenya d’estudi, què és la família rifenya, processos de construcció identitària i de relacions de gènere, sexualitat procreativa i no procreativa, matrimoni i divorci, processos procreatius, maternitat, paternitat i cura dels infants, migracions temporals per salut, noció de persona, articulació dels sistemes mèdics, malalties pròpies dels rifenys i formes d’adquisició del do terapèutic entre els especialistes del sistema mèdic rifeny. En el segon volum es troben descrits i analitzats elements terapèutics i teràpies des de la perspectiva del simbolisme, el ritual i la seva pràctica alhora que es recullen i s’analitzen 52 itineraris terapèutics, la construcció dels quals esdevé una proposta metodològica que també es presenta. Aquest volum conté també el recull de 10 genealogies, l’anàlisi de la terminologia rifenya de parentiu, un glossari de termes en tarifit així com els materials estadístics elaborats a partir de les entrevistes semipautades i les històries clíniques procreatives de dones gestants. / This thesis is an ethnographic monography. It is based on 9 years of research among Riffian people of Catalonia (especially in comarca of Osona). Riffian people are Amazigh people (berbers) from the Rif Mountains, in northern Morocco. Primarily based on participant observation, in-depth and semi-structured interviews, this research presents an ethnographic account of the reproductive process of the Riffian people. The “Reproductive Process” is understood as “the representations, conceptualizations and practices that guarantee the reproduction of a group and its social organization”. Within the reproductive process, there is the procreative process (conception, pregnancy, birth and postpartum), which, as a form of biological reproduction, becomes a central and structuring element of the reproductive process. As the core element, the procreative process is the point from which socio-cultural forms of representation and other associated practices are articulated in order to ensure its success: the birth of a new member and the achievement of social maturity for the parents. By using a folk perspective that considers some phases and events of the reproductive process as a healthcare issue, this ethnography sits between the intersection of two main theoretical domains: on one side, kinship studies (understood as the cultural regulation of procreation, affiliation, upbringing and care of children), and on the other, Medical Anthropology. From this perspective I present a model to articulate the three healthcare systems that Riffian people normally use (the biomedical, the Koranic and the Riffian approaches) and prioritize depending on their specific underlying logic and the specific moment of the reproductive process. This research has three main objectives. The first one is empirical. It accounts for the lack of ethnographic data on Riffian people living in Catalonia and, to a lesser extent, those living in Morocco. The second objective is theoretical. This ethnography takes as a theoretical frame the proposal of theoretical domain of Kinship, in particular in what the definition of Kinship calls intersection. Finally, the third objective is methodological. By favouring observant participation as my main research technique, I want to emphasize the benefits of such approach in a context where recent anthropological research is prioritizing other techniques that produce more partial data but require less time commitment. From a classical and empirical perspective, this is a descriptive, interpretative and analytical ethnography. It is structured in two volumes that can be read independently but at the same time, are complementary to each other. The first volume has 9 chapters in which analyses issues like: sociodemographic profiles of the Riffian people studied, the Riffian family composition, the processes of identity construction and gender relations, procreative and no procreative sexuality, marriage and divorce, procreative processes, motherhood, fatherhood and childcare, temporary migrations for health reasons, personhood, articulations of medical systems, culture-bound syndromes and ways to get the therapeutic gift among specialists of Riffian medical system. The second volume opens with a description of the therapeutic elements and therapies used by the Riffians during the reproductive process. Subsequently, I discuss and analyze them not only from a symbolic and ritualistic angle but also from the meaning of its practices. I then present and analyze 52 therapeutic itineraries, which have become the basis of a methodological proposal that I have developed along this process. This volume closes with the genealogies of 10 Riffian families I have been working with, an in-depth analysis of Riffian Kinship terminology, a glossary of tarifit terms and lastly, the statistical materials elaborated from semi-structured interviews and clinical histories of 410 pregnant women.

La següent tesi té com a objectiu analitzar la relació entre Comissions Obreres (CCOO) i les treballadores de l’àrea de Barcelona durant la dictadura franquista. Per fer-ho s’ha estudiat com van participar-hi les dones, l’evolució de la conflictivitat laboral femenina i la seva vinculació amb el moviment sindical antifranquista, així com les relacions de gènere a CCOO. Aquest darrer punt implica estudiar quina percepció tenien els dirigents i militants de les dones treballadores, com consideraven que s’havien d’organitzar i la importància que atorgaven a les seves reivindicacions. A més, s’estudia com les dones van percebre la discriminació que experimentaven en el moviment i el seu qüestionament dels rols de gènere i del discurs de la pròpia organització al respecte. La relació de CCOO amb les treballadores va estar molt condicionada per la definició masculina del moviment obrer, fonamentada en la idea que era un moviment propi d’homes treballadors industrials i que, per tant, havia de defensar les seves reivindicacions. Aquest plantejament va afavorir que en el període entre 1964 i 1969 hi hagués una escassa presència de dones treballadores manuals a CCOO i que moltes de les dones que hi van participar no fossin considerades militants. A més, al llarg de tot el franquisme les reivindicacions de les treballadores van considerar-se secundàries. Tanmateix, la masculinització del moviment obrer es va haver de matisar pel context polític. La voluntat d’augmentar la capacitat de mobilització de CCOO, perquè fos un bon instrument per erosionar el règim franquista, va fomentar que es volgués atreure les dones treballadores al moviment sindical. A partir de 1969 va augmentar la presència de dones en l’organització, i la majoria van ser considerades militants. Aquestes dones van encoratjar el plantejament de reivindicacions als seus llocs de treball, i sovint protagonitzaren conflictes laborals. Van qüestionar els rols de gènere del moment, tant pel mateix fet de militar en una organització obrera i il·legal, com per les implicacions personals que tenia. Tanmateix, van assumir que el principal objectiu del moviment obrer era la lluita antifranquista i la millora de la situació dels treballadors (entesos com a col·lectiu masculí) fins que es va desenvolupar el moviment feminista, durant la Transició. A partir d’aquells moments, algunes militants nascudes cap a 1950 i incorporades a CCOO durant els anys setanta, van començar a posar en entredit la definició de treball, de classe obrera i de quines eren les seves reivindicacions. / The aim of the following thesis is to analyze the relationship among a social and political movement called Comisiones Obreras (Committees of Workers, CCOO) and the female workers during Franco’s dictatorship in the area of Barcelona. In order to do so, we study how women become involved in CCOO, the evolution of female workers’ protests, their links with anti-francoist labor movement and, finally, gender relationships in CCOO. In order to study the last issue, we scrutinize leaders’ and militants’ perceptions on female workers, how they believed women should be organized and how important female workers’ claims were. We also analyze how women perceive sexual discrimination in CCOO and whether they questioned gender roles and the organizational discourse about them. The masculine definition of “working class” assumed by CCOO harmed its relationship with female workers. The masculinisation of working class consisted of the idea that labor movement was a blue-collar men’s issue and consequently, it should fight for male worker’s claims. This way of thinking helps to understand the low presence of female workers in CCOO from 1964 to 1969, and why many women involved in the movement weren’t considered militants. In addition, female workers’ claims were treated as subsidiary during the dictatorship. Nevertheless, labor movement needed to moderate its masculine definition due to the political context. As CCOO wanted to increase its capacity to summon, in order to fight the dictatorship more efficiently, it wanted to attract female workers. From 1969 the female participation in CCOO increased, and these women were treated as militants. These female militants encouraged worker’s claims and often were leaders of labor conflicts. They questioned female domesticity because they took part in an illegal trade union, what had consequences in their private lives, which also questioned gender roles. Nevertheless, these women accepted that the main CCOO aims were to fight the dictatorship and improve workers’ situation (assuming that workers were men). It changed with the development of feminist movement in Spanish transition to democracy. From 1976, some female militants who were born in the 1950’s and took part in CCOO since the early 1970’s, began to doubt about CCOO definition of work, working class and its claims in terms of gender.

Esta tesis es un estudio, desde el marco epistemológico de la Psicología Cultural, de los procesos de cambio cultural en una comunidad minoritaria. Parte de los datos recogidos en un proyecto de investigación - acción participante, de datos etnográficos y de entrevistas grupales. Adopta un enfoque evolutivo al afrontar el estudio de los procesos de socialización y de formación de la identidad en el marco las comunidades gitanas, orientándose a partir de los postulados teóricos y los trabajos prácticos de autores como Vygotsky, Bruner, Rogoff, Cole , Greenfield y Valsiner. Se aborda, desde un enfoque psicosocial, el estudio de los procesos de identidad minoritaria, de relaciones interculturales y de relaciones de poder, todo ello desde una perspectiva situada.Las conclusiones del estudio son las siguientes: 1. Existe actualmente un marcado proceso de cambio cultural en las sociedades gitanas. 2. Este proceso de cambio no puede desligarse de la condición de minorías culturales de las sociedades gitanas. 3. Esta nueva organización de roles supone cambios importantes en el proyecto de desarrollo de los miembros de esta cultura. 4. Este cambio, entre otras cosas, supone una nueva organización de los roles de género. 5. La nueva orientación del desarrollo de los sujetos en la cultura gitana (grupo minoritario) no puede asimilarse a la orientación del desarrollo de los sujetos del grupo dominante.6. Los cambios en las estrategias educativas dan lugar a nuevos sujetos que contribuyen al cambio cultural. / This work is an study, from Cultural Psychology epistemological frame, about cultural change processes in a minority community. Data are collected from a research-intervention project, ethnographical data and group interview. The study adopt a developmental focus in the analysis of socialisation processes and identity construction inside gypsy communities, oriented by theoretical frame developed by authors as Vygotsky, Bruner, Rogoff, Cole , Greenfield y Valsiner. A psychosocial focus is analysis of minority self, intercultural relationships and power relationships, from a situated perspective. These are the conclusions: : 7. Exists today a deep process of cultural change in gypsy societies. 8. For understand this process must be link with the condition of cultural minorities of these societies. 9. Cultural change suppose new role distribution and, consequently, important changes in the "developmental project" of memberships of culture.10. There are a new organisation of gender roles.11. New developmental orientation cannot be assimilated to development of members of dominant culture.12. Changes in educational strategies produce new subjects that contribute to cultural change.

En el transcurso de la Edad Moderna tiene lugar una vasta campaña religiosa de conquista espiritual, auspiciada principalmente por los misioneros apostólicos populares. Este movimiento, que tiene sus raíces en la Baja Edad Media, tiene como finalidad esencial catequizar las comunidades rurales. Su objetivo último es la transformación profunda y definitiva de las creencias y conductas religiosas del pueblo afín de transformarlas al espíritu y a los preceptos surgidos del dogma de la Contrarreforma católica promulgados en el Concilio de Trento.A este respecto, la investigación se propone analizar los diferentes métodos y procedimientos empleados por la Iglesia institucional, por la vía de la predicación y de la catequesis, para reformar, entre la gente del pueblo, los comportamientos considerados supersticiosos o magicos, a los que estaban adheridos la mayor parte de las poblaciones rurales del continente europeo, con el objeto de erradicarlos de la vida cotidiana de la cultura popular en sus múltiples ámbitos de aplicación. Dentro de este contexto cultural, la tesis aborda el examen de las diversas transformaciones que esta problemática haya podido sufrir en el curso del período histórico de la Edad Moderna, a consecuencia de los avatares sociales, económicos y políticos. En lo que concierne a Cataluña, más que una erradicación, convendría hablar en la mayoría de los casos, de un proceso paulatino de sustitución de numerosas prácticas de carácter mágico de la cultura popular, por otras nuevas basadas en las ceremonias y ritos católicos de protección. Sin embargo, esta política eclesiástica fracasa en gran medida a consecuencia de las resistencias de gran parte de la población frente a los esfuerzos doctrinales del clero. En la Cataluña de los siglos XVII y XVIII, la cultura popular conservará un sistema de prácticas autónomas protectoras de tipo supersticioso, al margen de todas las prescripciones de la institución eclesiástica, y que la predicación pastoral no consigue extirpar. / During the Modern Era there arose a vast religious campaign of espiritual conquest, principally emanating from popular apostolic missionaries. The main aim of this campaign, which had roots that went back to the late Middle Ages, was to catechize the rural communities. The ultimate objective was a profound and permanent transformation of human behavior that would bring it into harmony with the christian precepts laid down by the Counter Reformation, originating at the Council of Trent.In this regard, the investigation proposes to analyse the different methods and procedures employed by the Church as an institution, via preaching and catechesis, to reform the superstitious or magical practices which were widespread among the rural population all over Europe, and to root out their different manifestations from popular culture. It will also examine how the problem may have evolved during the historical period in question, as a result of cultural and ideological avatars.As regards Catalonia, it was not so much a question of eradication as, in many cases, the substitution of many of the magical activites of popular culture by new ones founded of catholic ceremonies. However, this ecclesiastical policy failed, in great measure because of the resistance of a large part of the population to the doctrinal efforts of the clergy. The people preserved a system of autonomous protective superstitious practices, outside the regulations of the Church, which pastoral preaching was unable to eradicate.

A partir de una base teórica histórica, y en una revisión exhaustiva de los trabajos sobre las concepciones occidentales sobre la adopción, la literatura antropológica clásica sobre este tema y el análisis desde la antropología y desde otras disciplinas de las adopciones internaciones desde Occidente, he empezado a desarrollar el caso de estudio (o itinerario adoptivo) entre China y España, para arrojar luz a los cambios sustanciales que han sufrido ambos países a raíz de la instauración del PAI chino. En concreto, esta es la primera investigación sistemática etnográfica que profundiza en las vías de circulación de menores actuales, tradicionales y nuevas, cuyas familias no quieren o no pueden hacerse cargo de ellos. Es decir, indaga en la diferentes formas en que estos/as menores –normalmente no registrados debido a la Política de Hijo Único - son adscritos en diferentes casas, familias e Instituciones de Bienestar Social, teniendo en cuenta prácticas que abarcan desde las adopciones informales al trabajo doméstico, pasando por el tráfico de menores hasta las adopciones legales internacionales y domésticas. Describe las interrelaciones de estas vías informales con las instituciones de bienestar públicas y privadas, los vínculos con otros proyectos gubernamentales y no gubernamentales internacionales y nacionales y las concepciones que subyacen a todos estos procesos. Así, este proyecto incluye las perspectivas de una miríada de actores, desde familias biológicas a oficiales del ministerio, pasando por familias adoptivas y potenciales “traficantes” de menores. Recuperando la dimensión histórica, mi tesis analiza las formas en que estas vías compiten o cooperan, dependiendo de los intereses y las concepciones de los agentes implicados. Se centra principalmente en las transformaciones acaecidas desde la Era de las Reformas y en las consecuencias de la introducción del Programa de Adopciones Internacionales, que abrió la puerta a actores, recurso, prácticas e imaginarios extranjeros, en el parentesco, las vías de circulación y en el cambio en el valor de determinados tipos de menores. Asimismo, analiza la construcción del itinerario adoptivo entre China y España, indagando sobre los imaginarios que han permitido fundar y desarrollar uno de los Programas de Adopción Internacional (PAI) más relevantes de todo el mundo. En definitiva, esta investigación trata de ofrecer una nueva perspectiva sobre las consecuencias que la modernización china, insertada en un mundo de interconexiones globales, está teniendo en los ámbitos de la circulación y protección de menores en y desde ese país. De esta manera, me propongo cuestionar las concepciones culturales hegemónicas respecto al cuidado y protección de la infancia, redefinir términos como adopción o abandono y contribuir así en los debates globales sobre el rol de la adopción internacional como medida de protección de menores en el mundo actual. Además, mi objetivo es arrojar luz sobre el contexto en el que los/las menores chinas adoptados/as internacionalmente pasan los primeros meses/años de sus vidas. Considero de gran valor poder aportar al conocimiento existente, los datos obtenidos en el contexto donde nacen los menores. La delicadeza del tema, la dificultad de acceder a la información y las limitaciones del trabajo de campo previenen frente a la generalización de resultados al conjunto del país. No obstante, un trabajo de este tipo además de necesario, permite enriquecer un discurso que se ha construido unilateralmente, con una etnografía específica que tiene en cuenta, por primera vez, las voces “del otro lado”. / This project, based on five years of research that includes more than two years of intensive fieldwork in a central province in China, breaks away from the conventional dichotomy between origin/placement countries as two segregate research locations by proposing a more comprehensive and dynamic structure, called Transnational Adoptive Field (TAF), that both enfolds and moves beyond the origin/placement countries. TAF is a methodological approach based on single multi-sited case studies (Marcus, 1995) of the elements that each ethnographic case (adoptive itinerary such as China-USA, China-Spain, Russia-USA) should consider when trying to explain the totality of the process and the way that transnational adoption studies should be regarded. TAF aims to analyze the adoptive experience of all parties involved, while integrating socio-economic, political and historical contexts with the attitudes, ideas, perceptions, values and collective imaginaries that flow between the birth country and the adoptive country (Vich, 2010a; González, Grau & Vich, 2010). Ultimately, it allows us to unmask the unique net of socio-cultural constructions that shape and continuously transform each TAP. The first year of my five year MA thesis focused on the historical patterns of child-circulation throughout the Ming and Qing Dynasties (Vich, 2009), exploring the cultural roots of Chinese kinship in order to link them to traditional practices surrounding the circulation of minors and identify convergences and divergences with current, actual patterns in a posterior moment of the doctoral project. Part of this work has been transformed into the chapters 4 and 5 of this dissertation. Within this broad framework, I have developed an original but nascent case study (or adoptive itinerary) of the transnational adoption process between China and Spain, in order to shed light into the substantial changes that have transpired in both countries over the last few years. I carried out the first systematic, in-depth ethnographic analysis of the various ways in which Chinese children – mostly unregistered, and thus “hidden” and devoid of legal rights, due to the One Child Policy - circulate between households, families, and private and public welfare institutions both inside China and abroad. I break such systems of child-circulation into (i) informal placements (employment as household labor within China or the so-called chāobào or informal adoptions), (ii) formal placements (legal domestic and international adoption), and (iii) child trafficking networks. My dissertation analyzes the ways in which these three systems compete and cooperate with each other for the ‘protection’ of children. Through ethnographic fieldwork and historical inquiry into the cultural roots of these practices, it links the three systems to today’s actual patterns of institutionalization and circulation of minors. At the same time, it focuses on the changes brought about by the Reform Era and the introduction of China’s TAP as well as the entrance of international actors, resources, perceptions and transnational practices. Moreover the dissertation analyzes how the child-circulation paradigm has been constructed from the Spanish perspective, emphasizing the needs and interests derived from our demographic and socio-economic context, and digs into the imaginaries that have allowed the development and the stability of the TAPs. This project offers a new perspective on the consequences that Chinese modernization, inserted in a global connection network, is having in the field of child-circulation and the protection of minors in and from China. I question hegemonic cultural conceptions about the protection and care of minors, redefine terms such as adoption or abandonment and contribute to the global debate on the role of international adoption as a mean of protecting children. Ultimately, my aim is to shed light into the contextual surroundings in which children adopted internationally spend their first days, months and years of life. I believe that doing so has great value for both the children and society at large, even if the sensitivity of the subject, the difficulty encountered in accessing credible information and the inherent limitations of the fieldwork prevent us from drawing broad generalizations of the results. My dissertation attempts to add another voice to an academic discourse on TAPs that has been unilaterally constructed, inserting an ethnographical analysis that takes into account, for the first time, the voices “from the other side”.

Making use of knowledge from a wide range of disciplines, this thesis analyses the interactions of culture and economy, particularly regarding the influence of nineteenthcentury historiography, on Shetland’s present-day economic development. Shetland’s local identity concept is strongly influenced by this North Sea archipelago’s Norse history. This is in part the result of the islands’ late nineteenth- and early twentiethcentury national romantic literature, which was inspired by Continental and mainland British trends in anthropology and philology. The theories of fairy origins proposed in the 1890s by the Edinburgh anthropologist David MacRitchie exerted a great influence on Shetland writers. His theories – since shown to be incorrect – led to the historiographic dehumanisation of the islands’ pre-Norse population and permitted the complete valorisation of the Vikings, most notably in the work of the Shetland author Jessie Saxby. Since the 1930s, a variation of MacRitchie’s theory has been repeated in nearly every local book concerning Shetland folk belief. These conceptions of history continue to inform the sense of local identity felt by many Shetlanders. This has come into conflict with the local government’s efforts at place brand, tourism, heritage, and economic development, all of which tie into a broader struggle between fostering Shetland’s national awareness and expanding Shetland’s jurisdictional capacity. Particular attention is paid to how history is used variously by the community to express exclusivity and by the local government to promote inclusivity.

The practice of gathering water from community springs in Kentucky constitutes a rich and complex research setting for the study of folklore beliefs and practices. Local knowledge construction, nostalgia as an evaluative process, contested views about purity and impurity, the protection and retention of a “public commons,” and the crisis which ensues when infrastructure maintenance and the delivery of safe drinking water are no longer guaranteed to communities, are all relevant to this vernacular practice. My thesis explores these topics, informed by fieldwork I conducted in nine Kentucky counties, which included formal and informal interviews with individuals who have used springs, as well as participant observation of spring sites. Roadside water sources are used by the public for drinking water, and are vestiges of the public commons. In addition to gathering water, these sites allow us to gather and study folkloric practice and knowledge. Historically, community springs were utilized before public water systems were implemented, providing a critical source of water for travelers, or for those who did not have private access to a reliable water source. Yet today, even with the presence of municipal water systems, many people still gather water from springs. My thesis integrates archival/historical library research, participant observation, and oral history narratives collected in 2016 as part of a Kentucky Oral History Commission Project Grant, in order to illuminate two fundamental research questions: Why do people prefer to get water from springs today? And what cultural meanings are constructed through the continued engagement with this tradition? I examine the historical use of these resources, their relationship to the implementation of municipal water systems, and how localized knowledge about water purity is formed and put into practice in this region. I also explore the use of nostalgia, collective memory, and narrative for constructing place and landscape, as well as theorize on how springs function as public commons resources today. I also use photographs to convey ethnographic knowledge distinct from the written word, providing an opportunity to convey sensory information about the spaces I describe in my research.

No description available.

This thesis utilizes the theories of Carl Jung and Joseph Campbell to demonstrate that the participant in a myth undergoes vicariously a transformation of consciousness. I discuss and clarify the role of archetypes and symbols; the meaning and function of myth; and the three stages to the hero's journey; namely, departure, initiation, and return. I demonstrate how these stages, as well as the shadow, anima, animus, and self archetypes are active in four myths. These myths are The Epic of Gilgamesh, Bhagavad Gita, Owein, and Star Wars. I hope to have made contributions in three particular ways. The first is by clarifying Jung's concept of the collective unconscious and the archetype. I hope to have described them and demonstrated their usefulness to a step beyond what has been hitherto written. The second is the demonstration of the three-stage journey repeating itself at three different levels. Campbell does not refer to these multi-stage journeys in his analysis of the hero myth. The protagonist in mythic tales participates in a physical, then an intellectual, and finally a spiritual stage of transformation. Lastly, I explain how participation in myth can clear the mind of the participant and lead to greater awareness. Myths promote inner growth through the use of symbols. They clarify reality and guide one to become aware of reality. Specifically, the psychological method is demonstrated to be the most useful for clarifying the archetypal images found in myth. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 51-09, Section: A, page: 3066. / Major Professor: David A. Darst. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1990.

Le folklore dansé en Bas-Languedoc.Nombreuses sont les pratiques populaires en Bas-Languedoc qui ont marqué durablement la société occitane depuis le début du XVIe siècle. La danse traditionnelle mais aussi les musiques de ces danses, l'instrumentation elle-même ainsi que la confection et le port des costumes locaux participent à la vie quotidienne des populations languedociennes jusqu'à la toute fin du XIXe siècle. Dans un espace géographique restreint, correspondant à une zone de monoculture viticole, ces pratiques populaires artistiques jouent également un rôle de premier plan dans l'Histoire régionale et nationale : celui de témoin privilégié des grands événements politiques et sociétaux. Elles sont omniprésentes lors des fêtes locales mais aussi lors des grandes manifestations officielles et obligatoires de l’État. La longévité remarquable de ces pratiques, issues de la Renaissance, relève de leur grande adaptation aux différentes sociétés languedociennes, de leur représentativité régionale, ainsi que d'une volonté de maintenance par tous les régimes et institutions. La société languedocienne toute entière se reconnaît dans ces danses-miroir, façonnées pendant l'Ancien Régime ; elles portent régulièrement aux autorités l'assentiment ou les désaccords du peuple.Pourtant, les pratiques populaires locales n'échappent pas à des interférences culturelles multiples avec la société aristocratique, les enseignements artistiques militaires ou académiques et les diverses cultures qui traversent l'Europe dès le milieu du XIXe siècle.De plus, la fin de la société paysanne et l'avènement d'une société urbaine mettent à mal les pratiques populaires et essentiellement rurales dans la plupart des régions. En Bas-Languedoc, la survivance des principales danses régionales se soumet, dès la fin du XIXe siècle, au bon vouloir des autorités qui financent des reconstitutions onéreuses, et rémunèrent des pratiquants alors tournés vers d'autres modes sociétales.La tradition populaire devient peu à peu un folklore représenté et institutionnalisé qui répond aux mêmes règles ministérielles que l'enseignement académique des sports ou de la danse. Les premières enquêtes sur le patrimoine régional, ainsi que les travaux des premiers folkloristes permettent toutefois de reconstruire des danses locales (les branles) pratiquées pendant des siècles lors des défilés et Triomphes annuels. Les pertes sont toutefois importantes ; de nombreuses pratiques artistiques corporatives, instrumentales et poétiques disparaissent avec les tout derniers pratiquants. En Bas-Languedoc, les premiers folkloristes de l'Entre-deux-guerres parviennent à collecter in-extremis des pratiques traditionnelles qui passent en quelques années de la rue à la scène. La plupart d'entre elles perdent leur nature populaire en trouvant un public, tandis que Treilles, Chevalets et autres danses des Triomphes locaux conservent l'essentiel de leurs prérogatives sociales et politiques.Le folklore jusqu'alors vivant devient principalement une discipline d'étude ainsi qu'un loisir revivaliste, soutenu par le mouvement félibre et les institutions nationales.Quatre moments de renouveau ont bouleversé la pratique traditionnelle populaire vers une discipline folklorique puis ethnologique : la révolution industrielle et l'exode rural de la fin du XIXe siècle poussent la nouvelle société urbaine à entretenir artificiellement des pratiques qui ne sont plus enseignées par déterminisme familial. Dans les années 1930, diverses institutions nationales encouragent les pratiques traditionnelles populaires à des fins éducatives. Dans les années 1950, les folkloristes publient les premières études spécifiques ; celles-ci sont prises en charge par les ethnologues des années1970. / Traditional dancing in Lower LanguedocMany are the popular practices which have made a lasting impression on Occitan society since the beginning of the 16th century. Traditional dances but also the music of these dances, the instrumentation itself as well as the making and wearing of local costumes took part in the Languedoc populations ‘daily life until the very end of the 19th century. In a restricted geographical area, corresponding to a wine monoculture zone, these popular practices also played a leading role in regional and national History: they were privileged witnesses of political and societal events, and omnipresent during local feasts but also in major compulsory official demonstrations from the government. The remarkable longevity of these practices, coming from the Renaissance, is dependent on their adaptation to the different Languedoc societies, their regional representativeness, as well as a will of maintenance expressed by all political schemes and institutions.The whole Languedoc society recognised itself in these mirror-dances, worked out throughout the old regime; they regularly conveyed to authorities the assent or the disagreement of the people.Local popular practices didn’t however escape from some multiple cultural interferences with the aristocratic society, the artistic, military or academic way of teaching and also with the different cultures which crossed Europe as soon as the middle of the 19th century.Moreover, the end of peasant society and the advent of urban society undermined popular and mainly rural practices in most regions. In Lower Languedoc, as soon as the end of the 19th century, the survival of the main regional dances complied with the good will of the authorities which financed onerous reconstitutions and remunerated practitioners henceforth turned towards other societal modes. Popular tradition slowly became a represented and institutionalized folklore which met the same ministerial rules as the sports or dance academic teaching. The first surveys concerning the regional heritage as well as the first folklore specialists ‘works however allow to rebuild local dances (the “branles”) practised for centuries during annual marches and festive parades. Losses were however important, numerous corporative instrumental and poetic practices disappeared with the very last practitioners. In Lower Languedoc, the first folklorists of the inter-war period managed to collect in-extremis traditional practices that passed in a few year from the street to the scene. Most of them lost their popular nature by finding an audience, while Trellises, Little Horses and other dances from local festive parades kept the essentials of their social and political privilege.Folklore until then alive mainly became a study subject as well as a revivalist hobby, supported by the “felibre” movement and the national institutions.Four renewal periods have shaken up the popular traditional practice into a folk then ethnologic subject: the industrial revolution and the rural depopulation in the end of the 19th century induced the new urban society to artificially maintain practices which were no longer taught because of family determinism. Since the thirties, various national institutions encouraged traditional practices for teaching purposes. In the fifties; folklorists published the first specialized studies; these ones were taken into account by the ethnologists of the seventies.