Chinese presence in Africa has been rapidly increasing in the past few years and has been speculated to be mainly due to China seeking Africa’s political alliance and access to Africa’s natural resources and growing consumer markets. The growing presence of Chinese organisations in Africa, however, has not been without its challenges. In particular, Chinese multinational corporations (MNCs) in search of consumer markets in Africa have been cited as facing human resource (HR) challenges which may affect their organisational performance. In this regard, literature on human resource management has already established the important role of organisational culture, HR practices and organisational commitment in enabling organisations to achieve superior organisational performance. Given the fact that there is currently little research knowledge of Chinese presence in Africa at the organisational level, this research aimed to contribute empirical knowledge to the growing body of research in this area. Specifically, the main purpose of this research was to examine how the organisational culture of a Chinese MNC’s South African subsidiary has shaped the nature of its high commitment work system (HCWS) and to assess the consequences thereof on organisational commitment. In alignment with the phenomenological paradigm, the research applied a descriptive and explanatory case study methodology in order to generate rich, qualitative data which was required for in-depth descriptions and to uncover the underlying interactions of the researched phenomena at the subsidiary. The selected case for the research was, therefore, a Chinese MNC operating in the personal computer (PC) industry, which had expanded its operations to South Africa in order to reach Africa’s growing consumer markets. In particular, the South African subsidiary served as a PC sales and distribution organisation for the Chinese MNC. There were about 40 employees at the subsidiary who were all South African employees. Semi-structured, in-depth interviews were conducted with twelve employees from different job functions and across different job levels. Data collection was guided by the theoretical frameworks by Cameron and Freeman (1991) for organisational culture and Xiao and Bjorkman (2006) for the HCWS and organisational commitment. The data collected from interviews was then analysed through a qualitative, content analysis process. The findings of the research thus pointed to the market culture as the dominant organisational culture type at the South African subsidiary of the Chinese MNC; characteristics of the adhocracy and clan cultures were also discovered. The externally oriented market culture was found to be the most relevant for the high performance and market leadership aspirations of the subsidiary. The market culture also appears to be the most appropriate organisational culture that would enable the subsidiary to deal with the competitive nature of the PC industry. Furthermore, it was found that certain cultural values emphasised by the Confucian and Ubuntu value systems could have had a part to play in the formation of the subsidiary’s organisational culture. The market culture was also found to have had the greatest influence in shaping the primarily performance oriented HCWS practices. Of the investigated HR practices at the subsidiary, all were found to be consistent with HCWS practices, with the exception of ownership practices and the performance appraisal system. Finally, although there were generally high levels of organisational commitment reported at the subsidiary, other job and organisational context factors besides the HCWS practices were found to be the major contributors to those feelings of organisational commitment. By investigating the organisational culture, HCWS and organisational commitment of a Chinese MNC in South Africa, this research has added to the body of knowledge concerning the growing presence of Chinese organisations in Africa. Based on the empirical findings of this study, several recommendations have been made in an attempt to assist the Chinese MNC manage the organisational commitment of its South African employees towards superior organisational performance.

En rejoignant l’Union européenne en 2004 et alors que le pays appartenait jusqu’à récemment au groupe des bénéficiaires de l’aide au développement, la Pologne passe de l’autre "côté du miroir" :elle est incluse dans le groupe des pays riches et devient un donateur d'aide, en acceptant par la même occasion les engagements internationaux concernant les volumes de l’aide publique au développement. De façon tout à fait significative et symbolique, cette évolution change la place de la Pologne sur la carte du monde. En effet, la coopération au développement ne représente pas seulement la solidarité avec les pays du Sud, mais elle est aussi un moyen d’existence dans la politique internationale. <p>L’objectif de cette thèse de doctorat est de documenter, d’analyser et de comprendre l’approche et le comportement de la Pologne en matière de la coopération au développement. En nous référant à deux champs disciplinaires :les théories des relations internationales et l’Analyse de la politique étrangère (APÉ) nous étudions la politique polonaise d'aide au développement avec comme point de départ un triple questionnement :pourquoi, par qui et comment cette politique est-elle construite ?Afin de répondre à nos questions de recherche nous analysons d’abord une évolution du système d’aide polonaise liée aux changements que le pays subit au cours de la période étudiée. Ensuite, nous étudions en détail le milieu externe et interne de la coopération polonaise au développement. <p>Les résultats démontrent que la formulation et la conduite de la politique d’aide au développement de la Pologne s’inscrivent très profondément dans son environnement interne et externe et que des décisions concernant la politique d’aide ne sont pas un choix unilatéral des décideurs, mais plutôt le produit des enjeux entre plusieurs types d’acteurs et facteurs provenant de ces deux environnements. <p> / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

La présente thèse a pour objet l’étude du régionalisme. Ce dernier se réfère ici à des régions mondiales constituant une dimension médiane entre le niveau étatique et le système mondial. Notre analyse porte donc sur les nouvelles expériences régionales qui ont émergé dans le contexte de la globalisation néolibérale et de la post-guerre froide. Le régionalisme est analysé en tant qu’objet des relations internationales et l’étude de cas choisi est celui du régionalisme latino-américain, et plus précisément le Marché commun du Sud (MERCOSUR). Une importante partie des travaux consacrés à l'explication du régionalisme partent d'une approche essentiellement endogène accordant une attention distraite aux déterminants exogènes. Pour comprendre la nature du nouveau régionalisme, il faut le situer dans une perspective globale qui tient compte de l’interrelation entre les niveaux national, régional et global. Bien que le régionalisme renvoie à des logiques internes propres, le phénomène est fortement conditionné et façonné par l’extérieur du fait qu’il évolue en interaction directe et constante avec le monde économique et politique international, et qu’il fait l’objet de politiques menées par des acteurs dominants de l’arène mondiale. Les déterminants extérieurs sont donc essentiels pour comprendre l’évolution du régionalisme. Dès lors, la thèse se propose de répondre à la question suivante :comment et en quoi la nature et l’évolution du régionalisme se trouve façonnée par le cadre exogène et comment ce dernier interagit avec les facteurs d’ordre interne ?Pour répondre à cette question il convient de resituer le MERCOSUR dans le cadre du triangle atlantique (Amérique du Sud/Union européenne/Etats-Unis) qui lui-même doit être placé dans le contexte plus large de la globalisation néolibérale. / Doctorat en sciences politiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This case-study establishes the influences of power-knowledge relationships on capacity-building for sustainability in the European Union Funded ‘Wild Coast Spatial Development Initiative Pilot Programme’ (EU Programme). It aims to capture the lessons learned for capacitybuilding to support nature-based tourism initiatives on the Wild Coast. The EU Programme aimed to achieve economic and social development of previously disadvantaged communities through nature-based tourism enterprises, and to develop capacity of local authorities and communities to support environmental management. The study discusses common trends in thematic categories emerging from the research data, and contextualises research findings in a broader development landscape. This study indicates that power-knowledge relations were reflected in the EU Programme’s development ideology by an exclusionary development approach, which lacked a participatory ethos. This exclusionary approach did not support an enabling environment for capacity-building. This development approach, guiding the programme conceptualization, design and implementation processes, resulted in a programme with unrealistic objectives, time-frames and resource allocations; a programme resisted by provincial and local government. The study provides a causal link between participation, programme relevance, programme ownership, commitment of stakeholders, effective management and capacity-building for sustainable programme implementation. The study argues that the underlying motivation for the exclusionary EU development ideology in the programme is driven by a risk management strategy. This approach allows the EU to hold power in the development process, whereas, an inclusionary participative development methodology would require a more in-depth negotiation with stakeholders, thereby requiring the EU to relinquish existing levels of power and control. This may increase the risk of an unexpected programme design outcome and associated exposure to financial risk. It may also have a significant financial effect on donor countries' consultancies and consultants currently driving the development industry. This study recommends an interactive-participative methodology for programme design and implementation, if an enabling environment for capacity-building is to be created. In addition, all programme stakeholders must share contractual accountability for programme outcomes. This requires a paradigm shift in the EU development ideology to an inclusionary methodology. However, this research suggests that the current EU development approach will not voluntarily change. I, therefore, argue that South Africa needs to develop a legislative framework that will guide donor-funded development programme methodology, to support an enabling environment for capacity-building.

This study analyses the possible impact of the European Union (EU) on the development of the relations between business interest groups and the government in Turkey, more precisely on the interventions of the business interest groups in domestic policy-making. Hence it deals with the links between the progress of the relationship between Turkey and the EU and the development of domestic interest group activity in Turkey. <p><p>The progress of Turkey’s relations with the EU enhanced the visibility of the Turkish Peak Business Organizations (PBOs) in representing Turkish business interests in Brussels. Moreover, the evolution of the activities of the PBOs, provides a broader understanding of the developments of the general characteristics of the relations between the government and business interest groups in Turkey. Hence the investigation focuses on the major Turkish PBOs.<p><p>We examine the relations of Turkish PBOs with the EU, essentially, on the basis of the observation of their transnational actions within the EU as well as their participation in financial and technical assistance programmes of the EU and in the joint institutional structures of the association regime between Turkey and the EU. By analysing these two dimensions we assess the repercussions of the socialization of the Turkish PBOs on their strategies of action in dealing with European Affairs, on discourses they adopted regarding domestic policy-making and on their organizational structure and policy agenda.<p><p>We elaborate our topic with reference to the Europeanization concept, which covers the examination of the consequences of the European governance on national systems. Through the Europeanization concept we observe the correlation between the progress of the Turkey-EU relations and the ongoing process of change in the patterns of interventions of the Turkish business interest groups in domestic policy-making. <p> / Doctorat en sciences politiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a postcolonial analysis of Third World foreign policy, looking at an atypical case of state relations with national liberation movements. It is also an empirical contribution to an area of recent South African history through interrogating Cuba’s foreign policy towards South Africa’s liberation movements from 1959 until 1994. My starting point has been that meagre scholarship exists within the field of International Relations on this important area of South African history and on Cuban foreign policy. Mainstream scholars have largely overlooked relations between the Cuban state and civil society and liberation movements such as the African National Congress, the South African Communist Party, the Congress of South African Trade Unions and Umkhonto we Sizwe. By interrogating an ignored area of Third World foreign policy, this thesis furthermore aims to probe into the field of International Relations and analyses of foreign policy. Applying the methodology of a postcolonial theoretical critique, I highlight the ontological assumptions within the field that make theorising foreign policy from states and societies in the Third World peripheral within IR, as well as render states and civil society in the Third World as objects rather than subjects of the theoretical endeavour. The conceptualisation of the Cold War as a mere Superpower affair, with states in the Third World as mere sites of conflict between the Superpowers and divorced from the causal dynamics of the conflict, exemplifies the ontological assumptions that exist within the field of International Relations theory. I use the case study of Cuba’s foreign policy towards South African liberation movements in carrying out a qualitative analysis of the available literature and well as conducting interviews with senior participants of South Africa’s various liberation movements. A broad reconstruction of relations between 1959 and 1994, as well as post-1994, reveals extensive relations between Cuba and South African liberation movements involving the Cuban state and civil society. The findings of my research include an overview of relations between Cuba and various liberation movements at the political and military level, as well as the role of Cuban civil society in areas such as education and strengthening the role of women in the liberation struggle. Respondents reveal that relations between the two spheres are not uni-directional, but in fact reveal a complex interaction in which the agency of South Africa’s liberation movements in determining the content of relations is central. In conceptualising foreign policy using a postcolonial theoretical framework, I look not only at the Cuban state but also at the role of civil society in Cuba in constructing and carrying out foreign policy towards South African liberation movements. This theoretical framework rejects a strict dichotomy between the foreign and the domestic by looking at social forces within the state as well as the role of ideology in the making foreign policy domestically. Lastly, the extensive relations between Cuba and South African liberation movements that my research reveals points to possibilities for further theoretical investigations within the field of International Relations from a postcolonial theoretical critique. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is ‘n post-koloniale analise van Derde Wêreld buitelandse beleid, dit kyk na die atipiese geval van staats verhoudinge met nasionale vryheidsbewegings. Dit is ook ‘n empiriese bydrae tot ‘n area in onlangse Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis deurdat dit Kuba se buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid- Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings tussen 1959 tot 1994 ondervra. My beginpunt is dat daar skamele vakkundigheid tans bestaan binne die studieveld Internasionale Betrekkinge met betrekking tot hierdie belangrike area van Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis en Kubaanse buitelandse beleid. Hoofstroom deskundiges hanteer tot ‘n groot mate die verhoudinge tussen staat en burgerlike samelewing van Kuba met vryheidsbewegings soos die African National Congress, die Suid-Afrikaanse Kommunistiese Party, die Congress of South African Trade Unions en Umkhonto we Sizwe met min aandag. Deur hierdie geïgnoreerde area binne Derde Wêreld buitelandse beleid te ondervra, is dit ook ‘n verdere oogmerk van hierdie tesis om die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge en die gepaardgaande analises van buitelandse beleid te ondersoek. Deur die toepassing van die metodologie van post-koloniale kritiek, beklemtoon ek die ontologiese aannames binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge wat die teoretisering van buitelandse beleid van state en samelewings in die Derde Wêreld marginaliseer, asook om hierdie state en burgerlike samelewings in die Derde Wêreld tot objekte in plaas van subjekte van ‘n teoretiese onderneming te reduseer. Die konseptualiseering van die Koue Oorlog as bloot ‘n supermag aangeleentheid, met state in die Derde Wêreld as blote ligging vir konflikte tussen die supermagte asook terselfdertyd vervreemd van die oorsaaklike dynamiek van die konflik, beliggaam die ontologiese aannames wat binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge bestaan. Ek maak gebruik van Kuba se buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid-Afrkaanse vryheidsbewegings as gevallestudie om ‘n kwalitatiewe analise te maak op die bestaande literatuur asook om onderhoude te hê met senior deelnemers in Suid Afrika se verskeie vryheidsbewegings. ‘n Uitgebreide rekonstruksie van verhoudinge tussen 1959 en 1994, sowel as post-1994, openbaar diepgaande verhoudinge tussen Kuba en Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings wat die Kubaanse staat en burgerlike samelewing behels. Die bevindinge in my navorsing sluit in ‘n oorsig van verhoudinge tussen Kuba en verskeie vryheidsbewegings op politiekeen militêre vlak asook die rol van Kubaanse burgerlike samelewing in areas soos opvoeding en die verstewiging van die rol van vroue in die vryheidstryd. Respondente openbaar dat verhoudinge tussen die twee sfere nie in een rigting geloop het nie, maar dat dit eintlik ‘n komplekse interaksie openbaar in wie die agentskap van die Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings om die inhoud van die verhoudinge te bepaal ‘n sentrale deel speel. Deur buitelandse beleid te konseptualiseer deur gebruik te maak van ‘n v post-koloniale raamwerk kyk ek nie net bloot na die Kubaanse staat nie, maar ook na die rol van die Kubaanse burgerlike samelewing in die konstruksie en uitvoering van buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid- Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings. Hierdie teoretiese raamwerk verwerp ‘n eng tweeledigheid tussen die buitelandse en binnelandse deur te kyk na die sosiale magte binne die staat sowel as die rol van ideologie in die binnelandse skepping van buitelandse beleid. Ten slote, die diepgaande verhoudinge tussen Kuba en Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings wat my navorsing openbaar dui in die rigting van moontlike verdere teoretiese ondersoeke binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge vanaf ‘n perspektief van post-koloniale kritiek.

The thesis explores the potential of African higher education institutions in assisting the New Economic Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) in its quest to affectively achieve its goals. My contention is that higher education institutions need to be favourably positioned in terms of institutional autonomy and academic freedom to assist the achievement of the NEPAD goals. Moreover, there is a need for deliberative democracy, if the NEPAD goals are to be achieved affectively, especially from the perspective of higher education institutions.

Foreign aid as an economic policy was previously widely accepted as a way to assist least developed economies to achieve economic growth. Over the years, aid effectiveness has been questioned, whilst aid dependency has continued to rise. To assist in aid reduction, various economists have proposed aid exit strategies that countries could adopt to reduce aid dependency. However, the adoption of these strategies has been rather slow. The purpose of this study was to review and assess the current literature on the different proposed foreign aid exit strategies, in terms of their feasibility and ease of implementation, taking into account the current state of African economies. The analysis focused on the exit strategies recommended by Tandon (2008), Moyo (2009) and Fee (2012). The main finding of this study suggests that the aforementioned exit strategies are feasible, but not necessarily easy to implement, due to the limitations faced by many least developed countries. / Economics / M. Com. (Economics)

Text in English with abstract in English, Northern Sotho and Xhosa / This study investigated the determinants of expansion strategies that are adopted by MNCs that invest in African emerging economies. Literature suggests that expansion strategies have received little research attention, especially in the African context. Previous studies suggest that MNCs initiate their internationalisation process through exportation, and then explore other resource-committed expansion strategies (FDIs) at a later stage. A number of theories have been used to explain the behaviour and decisions of MNCs in this regard. One of the prominent theories in this regard is Dunning‘s OLI paradigm that has been the most influential and widely used, but this study was premised on internationalisation theory. For the purposes of this study, two expansion strategies of MNCs were identified as greenfield foreign direct investment (FDI) and exports. The study sampled six top African emerging countries rated by the stock size and volume of FDI inflow they had attracted. The study utilised the cross-sectional time-series data for period spanning 1996 to 2016. The data were accessed from statistical records of African Development indicators (ADI), a statistical arm of the World Bank. This quantitative research employed econometrics estimation technique to achieve its objectives, namely OLS regression. The study relied on Durbin-Watson statistics contained in ordinary least squares (OLS) regression to attend to issues of autocorrelation. To establish long run relationship, Johansen‘s cointegration approach was employed. / Thutelo ye e nyakišitše ditšhupo tša maano a katološo ao a amogetšwego ke dikhamphani tše di dirago dinageng tše ntši (diMNC) tšeo di beeleditšego ka go diekonomi tše di golago tša Afrika. Dingwalo di šišinya gore maano a katološo a filwe šedi ye nnyane ya dinyakišišo, gagolo kemong ya Afrika. Dithutelo tše di šetšego di dirilwe di šišinya gore diMNC di thome tshepedišo ya go oketša tiro ya feme boemong bja boditšhabatšhaba ka mokgwa wa kišontle, gomme ka morago di hlohlomiše maano a mangwe a katološo a boikemišetšo go fa ditlakelo le thušo tše di nyakegago go fihlelela dinepo tše di filwego tša feme nakong ye e tlo latelago. Diteori tše mmalwa di dirišitšwe go hlaloša mokgwa wa go dira le diphetho tša diMNC malebana le se. Ye nngwe ya diteori tše bohlokwa malebana le se, gape yeo e bego e le ye e nago le khuetšo ye kgolo gape e dirišitšwego ka bophara, ke dikgopolo ka ga ka moo dilo di šomago tša OLI go ya ka Dunning, eupša thutelo ye e begilwego bjalo ka matseno go teori ya kgodišo ya difeme gore di dire dinageng tše dingwe. Ka lebaka la morero wa thutelo ye, maano a katološo a mabedi a diMNC a šupilwe bjalo ka peeletšo thwi ge motho a hloma khamphani nageng e šele (FDI) le kišontle. Thutelo e tšeere dinaga tše tshela tša boemo bja godimo tšeo di golago tšeo di lekantšwego ka bogolo bja thoto le bolumo ya ditseno tša FDI tšeo di di tlišitšego. Thutelo ye e dirišitše tshedimošo yeo e hweditšwego ka go lemoga dinomoro tšeo di kgobokeditšwego dinakong tše di fapanego dinakong ka sebaka sa nako seo se lekanago pakeng ya nako ya 1996 go iša go 2016. Tshedimošo e hweditšwe go tšwa direkhotong tša Dipalopalo tša African Development Indicators (ADI), lekala la Dipalopalo la Panka ya Lefase. Nyakišišo ka go kgoboketša le go sekaseka datha yeo e hweditšwego methopong ye e fapanego e dirišitše dithekniki tša dipalopalo go kwešiša ditaba tša ekonomi le diteori tša teko go fihlelela maikemišetšo a yona, e lego tswalano go OLS. Thutelo e theilwe go Dipalopalo tša Durbin-Watson tšeo di lego ka tekanyo ya tswalano ka go fokotša palo ya go fapana ga disekwere gare ga dipalo tše di lemogilwego le tšeo di akantšwego go lebelela ditlhagišo tša nyalanyo Go hlola ditswalanyo tša nako ye telele, mokgwatebelelo wa Johansen wa tatelano ya dikhutlo tša datha ya dinomoro ka go latelana ga tšona o dirišitšwe / Esi sifundo siphande izinto ezilawula amacebo okwandisa enziwa ngamaqumrhu amazwe ngamazwe (MNCs) natyala imali kumazwe aseAfrika anoqoqosho oluntshulayo. Uluncwadi olukhoyo luthi amacebo okwandisa awanikwa ngqwalasela yaneleyo kuphando, ngakumbi kwiimeko zaseAfrika. Izifundo ezidluleyo ziveze ukuba iiMNCs ziyiqala ngokuthumela iimveliso zazo inkqubo yokufaka la mazwe kushishino lwamazwe ngamazwe. Emva koko zizama ukuncedisa ngezixhobo nemithombo yokusebenza njengecebo lokwandisa. Ziliqela iingcingane ezisetyenzisiweyo xa kuchazwa indlela yokwenza nezigqibo zeeMNCs ngalo mbandela. Enye yeengcingane eziphambili nesetyenziswe kakhulu kulo mba yekaDunning, neyaziwa ngokuba yiOLI paradigm, nangona esakhe isifundo sasisekele kwingcingane yokudibanisa amazwe ngamazwe. Kwesi sifundo kuchongwe amacebo okwandisa amabini asetyenziswe ziiMNCs. La macebo kukutyala ngqo imali nemithombo (greenfield foreign direct investment - FDI) nokuthumela iimveliso zazo kuloo mazwe. Esi sifundo sikhethe amazwe aseAfrika amathandathu naphambili xa kubalwa izinto anazo la mazwe, nomyinge wemali nezixhobo ezifakiweyo. Isifundo sisebenzise iinkcukacha ezingamaqela amanani anqumlezanayo (cross-sectional time-series data) kwixesha elisukela kunyaka we-1996 ukuya kowama-2016. Ezi nkcukacha zafunyanwa kwiingxelo ezigciniweyo zeZalathisi Zophuhliso LwaseAfrika (African Development Indicators - ADI), kwicandelo lezobalo kwiBhanki Yehlabathi. Olu phando lusekelwe kumanani, lusebenzise indlela yokusebenza ngokuqikelela nekuthiwa yieconometrics estimation technique ukuze siphumeze iinjongo zaso zobalo olwaziwa ngokuba yiOLS regression. Esi sifundo saxhomekeka kwizibalo zikaDurbin-Watson ezifumaneka kubalo lweordinary least squares (OLS) regression ukuze lujongane nemiba yokuzilungisa. Ukuze simisele ulwalamano oluqhuba ixesha elide, kwasetyenziswa indlela yokuhlanganisa iinkcukacha zikaJohansen. / Business Management / M. Com. (Business Management)

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In October 1999 South Africa and the European Union (EU) signed a free trade agreement, the Trade Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA), which came into effect on 1 January 2000. The TDCA was developed to enhance bilateral trade, economic-, political- and social cooperation and consists of three components - the creation of a Free Trade Area between South-Africa and the EU, EU financial aid to South Africa through the European Programme for Reconstruction and Development (EPRD), and project aid. However, the EU, in an effort to secure the best possible deal for itself, often behave in its own interests (through the manipulation of the Wine and Spirits Agreement) during the negotiations for the TDCA. The goal of this study was to establish what exactly trademarks are, and what implications the EU's protection of intellectual property rights on wine and spirits trademarks will have on i) the South African wine industry, ii) whether South Africa could have exercised another option, iii) whether this action has created a precedent with which the EU can, in future, again force South Africa or any of its other developing trade partners to make concessions, and iv) who gains the most from the TDCA. The concludes that the EU, through the manipulation of the Wine and Spirits Agreement, left South Africa with no choice by to concede the use of the contested trademarks - something that has already taken its toll on the South African wine industry - in order to save the TDCA. This action created a precedent that the EU will, in future, again be in a position to threaten developing countries with the termination of an agreement should they fail to comply with its demands. Finally, the conclusion is made that even though the TDCA was created to assist South Africa with its reintegration into the world market, it will ultimately be the EU that benefits most from the agreement. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Suid-Afrika en die Europese Unie (EU) het in Oktober 1999 In vryehandelsooreenkoms, die Trade Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA) onderteken, wat op 1 Januarie 2000 in werking getree het. Die TDCA is ontwerp om bilaterale handel-, ekonomiese-, politieke- en sosiale samewerking te bevorder en bestaan uit drie komponente, naamlik die skep van 'n vryehandelgebied tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika; finansiele steun deur die EU aan Suid-Afrika onder die European Programme for Reconstruction and Development (EPRD) en projekhulp. Die EU het egter dikwels in eiebelang opgetree (deur middel van die manipulasie van die Wyn- en Spiritus Ooreenkoms) tydens die onderhandelingsproses in 'n poging om die beste moontlike ooreenkoms vir homself te beding. Die doel van hierdie studie was om te bepaal wat presies handelsmerke is, en watter implikasies die EU se beskerming van intellektuele eiendomsregte aangaande wyn- en spiritushandelsmerke op i) die Suid-Afrikaanse wynbedryf sal he, ii) of Suid-Afrika 'n ander opsie kon uitoefen, iii) of hierdie aksie In presedent geskep het waarmee die EU Suid-Afrika of enige van sy ander ontwikkelende handelsvennote in die toekoms weer sal kan dwing om toegewings te maak, en iv) wie die meeste baat vind by die TDCA. Die studie het tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat die EU deur die manipulasie van die Wyn- en Spiritus Ooreenkoms aan Suid-Afrika geen keuse gegee het nie as om die gebruik van die betwiste handelsmerke op te se - iets wat reeds die Suid-Afrikaanse wynbedryf geknou het - in 'n poging om die TDCA te behou. Hierdie optrede skep 'n presedent dat die EU voortaan in onderhandelings met ander ontwikkelende state weer kan dreig om die hele ooreenkoms te verongeluk indien daar nie aan sy eise voldoen word nie. In die laaste instansie is daar tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat, alhoewel die TDCA daarop gemik was om Suid-Afrika te help met sy herintegrasie tot die wereldmark, dit uiteindelik die EU is wat die meeste daarby gaan baat.