The aim of this essay is to explain how IR theory relates to the European Union. Thisis motivated by the extensive use of empirical and descriptive studies on the EU. Togenerate knowledge on how theory relates to the EU, two seemingly differenttheories are compared. Neorealism and social constructivism are used to generatehypotheses, which are then tested on a quantitive study on the EU’s Common Foreignand Security Policy. The study covers the years of 2003-2005 and uses a statisticalmethod to present to empirical findings, which is supplemented by previous studieson EU’s foreign policy. The theoretical framework enables comparison of the twoemployed theories’ explanatory powers. The essay concludes that none of the theoriesprovides satisfactory explanations of in regard to EU’s global power and/or influence.Nevertheless, they are able to explain different aspects of the developments of EU’sforeign policy. Further theoretical studies should be undertaken in order to highlightthe issues of theory vis-à-vis the European Union.

By adopting a multilevel approach to understanding decisions taken in security and defence policies by European member states, the paper argues that the development of the European Security and Defence Policy, the proliferation of ad-hoc coalitions of the willing, and the subcontracting of security tasks from the UN has worsened the challenge of parliamentary accountability in foreign, security and defence policies. The paper evaluates how the European Convention has sought to bridge the parliamentary accountability gap in Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and in European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). The outcomes of the Convention on the future of Europe are not meeting its initial ambition to put foreign, security and defence policy among the priorities for the European Union¿s constitutional design. CFSP will become more integrated, on an intergovernmental rather than supranational model and under the large states¿ control. The major innovation is the creation of the position of Foreign Affairs Minister whose autonomy remains still uncertain, especially in his/her relationship with the President of the European Council. ESDP¿s operational capabilities and scope are both extended while coalitions of the willing are institutionalised and a defence core group could emerge. The contrast remains between a slower integration of CFSP and a faster progress of ESDP. Given the significance of proposals in ESDP, the new powers proposed by the European Convention to be given to national parliaments and the European Parliament in this policy area are too weak to close the existing parliamentary accountability gap.

Practitioners and academics clearly established that participation in the EU system of foreign policy-making transforms national foreign policies. Whilst there have been detailed studies of the impact of participation in EU foreign policy on the original fifteen member states there are, as yet, few academic studies that have thoroughly investigated the impact of progressive integration in the area of EU foreign and security policy on the new (i.e. those who joined since 2004) member states. This thesis aims to address this deficit by focusing on the impact of Poland's participation in the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). It examines the processes of 'downloading', as it is argued here that involvement in CFSP has had a direct effect on both the procedures of foreign policy-making in the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) and, on the substance of Polish foreign policy as well as the impact of 'uploading' from member states to the EU level and 'crossloading' between EU member states. The thesis addresses the relevant conceptual issues and provides an outline of the academic debate regarding Europeanisation and foreign policy. It identifies three mechanisms that are responsible for change: conditionality, socialisation and learning. It suggests that a member state first adapts its national foreign policy to bring it in line with the EU's acquis politique and introduces basic changes in its institutional procedures in order to effectively participate in the EU's CFSP. Only later, does socialisation and learning result in changes to how national foreign policy is made, which then facilitates both changes to the substance of national policy and the uploading of national preferences to the EU level. A two-phase model of change is introduced which identifies April 2003, when Poland first became an active observer within the EU, as the date when Europeanisation began. The thesis provides a brief explanation of the transformation of Polish foreign policy after 1989, in order to provide contextual background for the four substantive chapters which follow: one procedural on the changes in the Polish MFA and three related to policy substance. The latter three chapters examine the Europeanisation of policy towards Poland's East European neighbours in general and policies towards Ukraine and Belarus in particular. The thesis concludes with a set of methodological and conceptual observations followed by analysis of the empirical findings.

<p>In the post Cold-War era, world politics was transforming itself through its emerging complex issues such as terrorism and influential and interdependent actors such as the European Union. In this new era, the European Union was developing its Common Foreign and Security Policy pillar both to present a coherent and unified EU policy and to prove its political potent in order to become an influential actor on world politics. On the other side, security environment was also transforming its content through emerging actors and issues. As one of the most prominent actors of the world politics, the EU was influenced by the transformation of security environment, whose economic ‘soft power’ proved necessary but insufficient for being a global power in this emerging security environment. Insufficiency of economic power in solving security problems became more visible with the terrorist attacks of September 11 and March 11 which proved the seriousness of a globalized security threat posed by terrorism. After the events took place, the EU’s security approach and threat assessment have been transformed in which the issue of terrorism occupied more profound place by ‘securitization’ of its context. The Common Foreign and Security Policy of the EU began to play more prominent role on EU policies together with incorporating the efforts on the issue of fight against terrorism both to EU’s external relations and to its security dimension. Therefore, in this study, the author analyzes the research question of the development of the CFSP of the EU together with the impact of the issue of terrorism in this transforming security environment. Since examination of such a complex security issue necessitates multidimensional approach, then liberal and realist theories are used as complementary analytical instruments guiding the theoretical framework of the study.</p>

<p>This dissertations aims to examine the EU Foreign Policy, and more precisely map the High Representative (HR) and his impact on the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) in the EU. Using two theoretical frameworks, leadership theory and institutional theory, the study tests the explanatory power of these theories to explain the HR and his impact on the CFSP. The study is limited to a period of time, from November 2002 until December 2003, when several different events took place within the framework of the CFSP. The conclusion indicates that both leadership theory and institutional theory can help explain the development and outcomes of the CFSP.</p><p>Keywords: EU foreign policy, Common Foreign and Security Policy, High Representative of the CFSP, European Security and Defence Policy, Iraq war, European Security Strategy</p>

In der Diskussion um die internationale Rolle Europas ist die Gemeinsame Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik (GASP) Gegenstand häufiger Kontroversen. Ist die EU-Außenpolitik „das blutärmste Produkt der europäischen Integration“ (Kagan 2002) oder gar Beleg für eine wachsende Kluft zwischen Erwartungen und Fähigkeiten (Hill 1998)? Deutlich im Gedächtnis ist noch die Zerrissenheit und Einflusslosigkeit der europäischen Außenpolitik während des Irakkrieges 2003. Sind entsprechende Bemühungen der EU also nicht der Rede wert? Sind die Vorschläge zu Reformen der Verfahren und Institutionen, wie sie der Europäische Konvent zur Zukunft Europas und die anschließende Regierungskonferenz zuletzt vorlegten1, nur Sandkastenspielzeug für Politikwissenschaftler? Oder verspricht der geplante Verfassungsvertrag den strategischen Durchbruch, der die EU zu einem wirklichen außen- und sicherheitspolitischen Akteur im internationalen System werden lässt? / The institutional set up of the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) has been a highly controversial issue on the agenda since its creation. In light of the forthcoming enlargement, the European Convention proposed an institutional reform of the CFSP in July 2003. The reform envisages, among other things, the establishment of an Union minister for foreign affairs instead of the rotating presidency. The hybrid institutional nature of the CFSP makes prognoses very difficult, especially with regard to the division of labour within the EU. New flexible modes of cooperation may become a common feature in the EU-25. „Structured cooperation“ is likely to strengthen EU crisis management.

In the post Cold-War era, world politics was transforming itself through its emerging complex issues such as terrorism and influential and interdependent actors such as the European Union. In this new era, the European Union was developing its Common Foreign and Security Policy pillar both to present a coherent and unified EU policy and to prove its political potent in order to become an influential actor on world politics. On the other side, security environment was also transforming its content through emerging actors and issues. As one of the most prominent actors of the world politics, the EU was influenced by the transformation of security environment, whose economic ‘soft power’ proved necessary but insufficient for being a global power in this emerging security environment. Insufficiency of economic power in solving security problems became more visible with the terrorist attacks of September 11 and March 11 which proved the seriousness of a globalized security threat posed by terrorism. After the events took place, the EU’s security approach and threat assessment have been transformed in which the issue of terrorism occupied more profound place by ‘securitization’ of its context. The Common Foreign and Security Policy of the EU began to play more prominent role on EU policies together with incorporating the efforts on the issue of fight against terrorism both to EU’s external relations and to its security dimension. Therefore, in this study, the author analyzes the research question of the development of the CFSP of the EU together with the impact of the issue of terrorism in this transforming security environment. Since examination of such a complex security issue necessitates multidimensional approach, then liberal and realist theories are used as complementary analytical instruments guiding the theoretical framework of the study.

This dissertations aims to examine the EU Foreign Policy, and more precisely map the High Representative (HR) and his impact on the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) in the EU. Using two theoretical frameworks, leadership theory and institutional theory, the study tests the explanatory power of these theories to explain the HR and his impact on the CFSP. The study is limited to a period of time, from November 2002 until December 2003, when several different events took place within the framework of the CFSP. The conclusion indicates that both leadership theory and institutional theory can help explain the development and outcomes of the CFSP. Keywords: EU foreign policy, Common Foreign and Security Policy, High Representative of the CFSP, European Security and Defence Policy, Iraq war, European Security Strategy

none

ABSTRACT A CONSTRUCTIVIST ANALYSIS OF TURKEY&rsquo / S FOREIGN AND SECURITY POLICY IN THE POST-COLD WAR ERA Ulusoy, Hasan Ph.D. , Department of International Relations Supervisor : Prof. Dr. H&uuml / seyin Bagci October 2005, 388 pages The thesis is about how the foreign and security policy of Turkey is constructed in a realist world where states follow rationalist policies according to how they see and perceive this world. The main argument is that Turkey&rsquo / s foreign and security policy has shown an unbroken continuity of a pragmatic and consistent nature guided by rationality that functions in conformity with how the state perceives the outside material world, through the lenses forming its own identity. As the focus is on the identity analysis, the thesis has utilized the constructivist approach in its conventional form. Conventional constructivism, which provides not alternative but complementary explanations to the world run by political realism without rejecting the realist-dominated mainstream scholarship, serves to understand how the material world where realist parameters dominate through rationalistic behavior of states is constructed and thus how the foreign polices of states are formulated. It focuses on the examination of the lenses through which states perceive and construct the world outside. These lenses simply shape the identity of the state in question. Building on this theoretical tool, the thesis seeks to provide alternative explanations to the consistency and continuity of Turkish foreign and security policy, in the post-Cold war era till the Iraqi crisis in 2002. It is based on the examination of the lenses forming the identity of the state that has governed the foreign and security policy in general and in respect to the collective identity-building of the state as regards (collective) security in particular. The assertions of the thesis are as follows: contrary to the arguments of mostly critical studies, in the Turkish foreign and security policy there exists no identity crisis despite the plurality of identities stemming from the multi-dimensionalism in this policy. These identities (sub-identities) may differ depending on the composition of ideational and material factors therein. Yet, they exist in harmony with each other under the guidance of the state (upper) identity. Furthermore, in respect of collective security efforts, arguments regarding Turkey as a security consumer causing instability are also related to identity: that is, the lack of sufficient collective identity which leads to such perceptions about Turkey. As to the methodology, the thesis is mainly based on the discourse analysis of the official documents, debates, policy papers on the foreign and security policy, as well as speeches/interviews and articles of state personalities who play roles in this policy. This is because such sources reflect the understanding of both the state organs and state personalities (civil and military officials, statesmen and politicians) about the outside world that shapes the lenses (identities), through which Turkey perceives the world in its foreign and security policy.