The main objective of the doctorate thesis was to explore the causes of the current state of relations between the EU and Russia and to provide substantiation for future effective cooperation. The main analytical assumption of the thesis is that deeper regional economic cooperation creates positive effects for improvement of economic relations. Based on that assumption a complex exploratory framework with solid theoretical grounding was created in order to evaluate potential gains from trade liberalization scenarios between the EU and Russia. Main research is focused on the three following areas: historical background of economic relations, current developments and perspectives of the future cooperation in light of trade liberalization. Historical background of common economic relations stems from political and economic development on both sides, legal and institutional framework and problematic areas. Current development of trade and economic relations is based on analysis of trade flows in goods, trade in services and capital flows. Analysis of the future development is based on three liberalization scenarios: - Accession of Russia to the World Trade Organization (WTO), - Free trade agreement (FTA) -- scrapping customs tariffs between the EU and Russia, - Comprehensive free trade agreement (FTA+) -- reduction of non-tariff barriers to trade, liberalization of trade in services and capital flows, regulatory harmonization. Meta-analysis of different computable general equilibrium (CGE) modeling is used to evaluate the liberalization scenarios. Research results proved positive effects of trade liberalization for both sides. However, comprehensive free trade agreement seems to be the most effective form of trade liberalization with maximum economic welfare gains for the EU and the Russian Federation.

<p>The tri-partite initiative in and for Africa has been accompanied by high levels of optimism since its political endorsement in 2008. It provides for an opportunity to resolve a host of problems with regards to regional integration in Eastern and Southern Africa. The overall aim of this study is to explore the prospects and challenges towards realising the Tri-partite Free Trade Area&nbsp / (T-FTA) in and for Africa. This study is pragmatic and implicitly seeks to uncover how the T-FTA could contribute to the African Regional Integration Project (ARIP), given the challenges that&nbsp / regional integration face in Africa. Regional integration has a long and rich history in Africa, which started at thehave been weak since the start and persist in its superficial nature with littledevelopmental impact. The reasons for the lack of meaningful integration in Africa are wide-ranging and span national, regional and system level analytical viewpoints. They encompass&nbsp / areas such as developmental levels, political will, respect for regional architecture, overlapping membership and the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs). These factors impact on the&nbsp / integration process in Africa and explain in varied ways why there has been little comprehensive economic integration. The starting point was to define the complex concept of regional integration. The dominant factors that define and affect regional integration in this study are that it is a state-based exercise, driven by economic integration, and influenced by the global political economy of the day. It was determined that Africa has adapted its regional integration strategies according to the shifts and influences in the global political economy on states,&nbsp / emanating from the post WWII period to the present day. The mpact of the global economy on Africa since independence was great and is viewed impact on the integration process. Regional integration is essentially a state to state&nbsp / pursuit for integration. Essentially, regional integration is being pursued by states that are still struggling to consolidate statehood, and this leaves little space to move towards a regional approach. However, given the dynamics of a globalised world, regional integration as a strategy is no longer questioned in Africa and is an important component of its developmental agenda. Clarifying the T-FTA was important, and this was done in order to highlight what the tri-partite initiative is and is not. This provided for an opportunity to&nbsp / investigate what the dominant areas are that have informed the emergence of the tri-partite process. The former was found to be largely economic in nature, focusing on harmonising the trade&nbsp / regimes of COMESA, EAC and SADC as a primary motivation. The tri-partite initiative will facilitate and encourage the harmonisation of trade regimes by stressing market integration,&nbsp / infrastructure development and industrialisation, coupled by a developmental approach. This is promising, as the tri-partite initiative seeks to simultaneously deal with many issues that have&nbsp / been commonly associated with the problems that regional integration face in Africa. When viewing the negotiating context, as well as the principles upon which it is to be based, indicate though, that Africa still favours individual state interest that will be hard to reconcile given that the tri-partite region currently has 26 participant states. In terms of economic integration, the T-FTA&nbsp / seeks to put new generation trade issues on the agenda by including services, movement of persons as well as trade facilitation, all of which have been found to be important in realising a&nbsp / trade in goods agenda that is the focus of regional integration in Africa. Analysing the grassroots realities of the market integration pillar offered some valuable insights towards the purposes&nbsp / of this study. The market integration pillar is inundated with challenges, with Rules of Origin (RoO) being the primary challenge towards consolidating the trade in goods agenda on a tri-partite&nbsp / level. New generation trade issues are going to be equally difficult to realise, given that they have no implementation record in the individual Regional Economic Communities (RECs). Promising though is that trade facilitation has already seen positive results by resolving non tariff barriers in the regions.Infrastructure development is equally challenging, although it provides&nbsp / a significant opportunity to create better connectivity (physical integration) between states. In lot of pan-African goals that directly feed into initiatives of the African Union (AU) pillar has not as yet created any concrete tri-partite plans, so it remains to be seen what can be achieved. Ideally, industrialisation is viewed as the pillar that will solve the supply-side constraints of African&nbsp / economies hence, strengthening the trade in goods agenda in the regions. Even though the T-FTA has practical challenges to implementation, there are at least two underlying factors that&nbsp / indirectly affect the prospects of realising the tripartite initiative. The EPAs are an emergent threat in that they run parallel to tripartite negotiations / and respect for a rules based integration process, are issues that warrant consideration. Fundamentally, in order to achieve a successful T-FTA will require a shift in the way business is done in African integration. African states need&nbsp / to realise that their national interests are best served through cooperation, in meaningful ways. Inevitably this requires good faith as well as ceding some sovereignty towards regional goals. Thus, there is a risk that the T-FTA not realised. The fundamentals of political will, economic polarisation and instability have to be resolved. This will lay an appropriate foundation for the&nbsp / tripartite initiative to be sustainable, with developmental impact. </p>

This paper is tried to find out by neo-institutional view if there is China Threat theory or China Opportunity theory. And, it‟s researched interaction of ASEAN and China after Cold War by historic structure analysis, and tried to sum up the Political Economy interaction of ASEAN and China. Researching by historic structure analysis, the Political Economy of ASEAN-China Relations is from "close, separation, and then close." With the trend of globalization and regionalization, both sides understand the importance of cooperation. Besides, the process of institutional cooperation to benefit only care about whether transaction costs are saved, but not consider about self-benefit is more than others countries. Hence, from the point of the neo-institutionalism, there is no absolute China Threat theory or China Opportunity theory. Finally, it could help reduce fraud by the establishment of the system to make cooperation more effective, and reduce sense of mutual distrust. This argument is verified t in this paper.

<p>The tri-partite initiative in and for Africa has been accompanied by high levels of optimism since its political endorsement in 2008. It provides for an opportunity to resolve a host of problems with regards to regional integration in Eastern and Southern Africa. The overall aim of this study is to explore the prospects and challenges towards realising the Tri-partite Free Trade Area&nbsp / (T-FTA) in and for Africa. This study is pragmatic and implicitly seeks to uncover how the T-FTA could contribute to the African Regional Integration Project (ARIP), given the challenges that&nbsp / regional integration face in Africa. Regional integration has a long and rich history in Africa, which started at thehave been weak since the start and persist in its superficial nature with littledevelopmental impact. The reasons for the lack of meaningful integration in Africa are wide-ranging and span national, regional and system level analytical viewpoints. They encompass&nbsp / areas such as developmental levels, political will, respect for regional architecture, overlapping membership and the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs). These factors impact on the&nbsp / integration process in Africa and explain in varied ways why there has been little comprehensive economic integration. The starting point was to define the complex concept of regional integration. The dominant factors that define and affect regional integration in this study are that it is a state-based exercise, driven by economic integration, and influenced by the global political economy of the day. It was determined that Africa has adapted its regional integration strategies according to the shifts and influences in the global political economy on states,&nbsp / emanating from the post WWII period to the present day. The mpact of the global economy on Africa since independence was great and is viewed impact on the integration process. Regional integration is essentially a state to state&nbsp / pursuit for integration. Essentially, regional integration is being pursued by states that are still struggling to consolidate statehood, and this leaves little space to move towards a regional approach. However, given the dynamics of a globalised world, regional integration as a strategy is no longer questioned in Africa and is an important component of its developmental agenda. Clarifying the T-FTA was important, and this was done in order to highlight what the tri-partite initiative is and is not. This provided for an opportunity to&nbsp / investigate what the dominant areas are that have informed the emergence of the tri-partite process. The former was found to be largely economic in nature, focusing on harmonising the trade&nbsp / regimes of COMESA, EAC and SADC as a primary motivation. The tri-partite initiative will facilitate and encourage the harmonisation of trade regimes by stressing market integration,&nbsp / infrastructure development and industrialisation, coupled by a developmental approach. This is promising, as the tri-partite initiative seeks to simultaneously deal with many issues that have&nbsp / been commonly associated with the problems that regional integration face in Africa. When viewing the negotiating context, as well as the principles upon which it is to be based, indicate though, that Africa still favours individual state interest that will be hard to reconcile given that the tri-partite region currently has 26 participant states. In terms of economic integration, the T-FTA&nbsp / seeks to put new generation trade issues on the agenda by including services, movement of persons as well as trade facilitation, all of which have been found to be important in realising a&nbsp / trade in goods agenda that is the focus of regional integration in Africa. Analysing the grassroots realities of the market integration pillar offered some valuable insights towards the purposes&nbsp / of this study. The market integration pillar is inundated with challenges, with Rules of Origin (RoO) being the primary challenge towards consolidating the trade in goods agenda on a tri-partite&nbsp / level. New generation trade issues are going to be equally difficult to realise, given that they have no implementation record in the individual Regional Economic Communities (RECs). Promising though is that trade facilitation has already seen positive results by resolving non tariff barriers in the regions.Infrastructure development is equally challenging, although it provides&nbsp / a significant opportunity to create better connectivity (physical integration) between states. In lot of pan-African goals that directly feed into initiatives of the African Union (AU) pillar has not as yet created any concrete tri-partite plans, so it remains to be seen what can be achieved. Ideally, industrialisation is viewed as the pillar that will solve the supply-side constraints of African&nbsp / economies hence, strengthening the trade in goods agenda in the regions. Even though the T-FTA has practical challenges to implementation, there are at least two underlying factors that&nbsp / indirectly affect the prospects of realising the tripartite initiative. The EPAs are an emergent threat in that they run parallel to tripartite negotiations / and respect for a rules based integration process, are issues that warrant consideration. Fundamentally, in order to achieve a successful T-FTA will require a shift in the way business is done in African integration. African states need&nbsp / to realise that their national interests are best served through cooperation, in meaningful ways. Inevitably this requires good faith as well as ceding some sovereignty towards regional goals. Thus, there is a risk that the T-FTA not realised. The fundamentals of political will, economic polarisation and instability have to be resolved. This will lay an appropriate foundation for the&nbsp / tripartite initiative to be sustainable, with developmental impact. </p>

<p>The main objective of this study was to examine the prospects and challenges facing ACFTA (Asean-China free trade area). It examined what ought to be done by the ASEAN member nations to match China's competitive ability having recently joined the World Trade Organization. The study also examined the compatibility of the ACFTA with the World Trade Organization rules and mode of dispute settlement under ASEAN and NAFTA as well as profound issues relating to ACFTA.</p>

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / A tese analisa a relação entre liberalização do comércio exterior, formação de coalizões políticas e restrições a políticas econômicas redistributivas. Na primeira parte, são analisados três momentos do processo de liberalização do Brasil: (i) a implementação do cronograma de liberalização formulado em 1990 pelo governo de Fernando Collor; (ii) as negociações para a criação da Área de Livre Comércio das Américas lançadas em 1994; e (iii) as negociações da Rodada Doha da Organização Mundial do Comércio lançadas em 2001. Na segunda parte, se comparam as restrições enfrentadas pela coalizão de esquerda eleita no Brasil em 2002 com as enfrentadas por outros governos de esquerda na América do Sul. As hipóteses são que as (i) coalizões políticas, na liberalização do comércio exterior, dependem da etapa do processo de abertura, que altera os efeitos do comércio sobre a renda e as políticas à disposição dos grupos para defenderem-se, e (ii) da estrutura do setor produtivo. Na segunda etapa, a hipótese é que (iii) abertura restringe políticas redistributivas mais profundas, mas não qualquer política heterodoxa. / The thesis examines the relationship between trade liberalization and class alliances. In the first section, three moments of the process of internationalization of Brazilian economy were analyzed: (i) the implementation of the liberalization schedule formulated in 1990 by the government of Fernando Collor; (ii) the negotiations for the creation of the Free Trade Area of the Americas launched in 1994; and (iii) the Doha Round negotiations of the World Trade Organization launched in 2001. In the second section, it was analysed international restrictions faced by the leftist coalition elected in Brazil, in 2002, in comparison to those elected in other South American countries.

As áreas de livre comércio – ALC – são zonas de benefícios tributários cujo principal objetivo é a promoção do desenvolvimento de regiões mais carentes. A área de livre comércio de Boa Vista, juntamente com a de Bonfim, foi a última a ser implantada, no ano de 2008, e seus impactos são analisados por meio de questionário aplicado a empresas de Boa Vista, com o objetivo de compreender seu grau de satisfação, os entraves e perspectivas da ALC-BV. Para tanto, foram entrevistadas 53 empresas, que representam 3,22% do universo de empresas de Boa Vista cadastradas e habilitadas na SUFRAMA, situação necessária para que as empresas tenham acesso aos benefícios da ALC. A análise da amostra apresenta que 69,81% dos entrevistados afirmam ter benefícios da ALC para sua empresa. Desses, a avaliação acerca dos incentivos mais significativos para a empresa, em ordem decrescente foi: PIS/COFINS, ICMS, IPI e Imposto de Importação. Dentre os principais entraves, os entrevistados destacaram: poucos incentivos da prefeitura e do governo; custo de transporte elevado; escassez de mão de obra especializada; ausência de porto alfandegado, dificuldade de desembaraço da fronteira com o estado do Amazonas, dentre outros. Acerca do grau de satisfação, a maioria indicou Média Satisfação (39,62%). Apesar disso, uma quantidade significativa dos entrevistados (28,30%) afirmou não ter obtido qualquer redução de preços dos produtos adquiridos. A resposta seguinte mais selecionada foi a de que os preços dos produtos adquiridos reduziram de 10,01 a 15% (26,42% das respostas). A pesquisa também indicou que grande parcela dos empresários não conhece os benéficos da ALC voltados à importação (45,28%) e desconhece benefícios a indústria (83,02%). Haja vista a perspectiva de crescimento e desenvolvimento, esses conceitos, bem como aspectos sobre impactos de desoneração fiscal, desigualdade regional no processo de desenvolvimento e dos ganhos do comércio internacional, dentre outros, são abordados nesse estudo. / The free trade areas are tax benefits institutes whose main objective is to promote the poor regions‟ development. The free trade area of Boa Vista, along with the Bonfim‟s, was the last to be deployed, in 2008, and its impacts are assessed through a questionnaire applied to companies of Boa Vista, in order to understand the satisfaction degree of businesses, barriers and perspectives of ALC of Boa Vista. For these reasons, we interviewed 53 companies, which represent 3.22% of the universe of companies registered and entitled Boa Vista in SUFRAMA, a situation necessary for companies to have access to the benefits of the ALC. The sample analysis shows that 69.81% of respondents say that their companies do have ALC‟s benefits. From this number, the assessment about the most significant incentives for the company, in descending order was: PIS/COFINS, ICMS, IPI and Import Tax. Among the main obstacles, respondents highlighted: few incentives for municipal and government; high shipping cost, shortage of skilled labor, lack of bonded port, difficulty in clearing the border with the state of Amazonas, among others. About the degree of satisfaction, the majority indicated satisfaction Average (39.62%). Nevertheless, most respondents (28.30%) said they had not obtained any reduction in prices of products purchased. The next most selected response was that the prices of purchased products reduced from 10.01 to 15% (26.42% of responses). The survey also indicated that a significant number of entrepreneurs do not know the benefits of targeted ALC imports (45.28%) and unknown benefits to industry (83.02%). Taking into account the perspective of growth and development, these concepts, as well as aspects of impacts of tax relief, regional disparities in development and the gains from international trade, among others, are addressed in this study.

Este trabalho tem o intuito de investigar os efeitos de uma das principais barreiras atualmente impostas ao comércio internacional: o antidumping. Embora seja um instrumento legal de combate ao comércio desleal – o dumping –, a utilização do referido instrumento passou a ser mais intensa após a redução das barreiras tarifárias promovidas pelas sucessivas rodadas de negociações multilaterais e acordos preferenciais de comércio. Concomitantemente, a prática indiscriminada do antidumping passou a estar cada vez mais dissociada da existência do próprio dumping. Nesse sentido, este trabalho avalia os impactos do antidumping sob duas óticas. A primeira, ex-post, identifica os efeitos dos processos antidumping iniciados desde o início da década de 1990 pelos EUA sobre diversos produtos brasileiros, especialmente no que tange ao desempenho das importações daquele país. Para tanto, utiliza-se a metodologia de Mudança de Regime Markoviano, que permite avaliar as alterações ocorridas ao longo do tempo na série de importações, avaliando médias, variâncias e probabilidades de transição entre regimes. Os resultados encontrados indicam que as iniciações dos processos antidumping usualmente ocorrem após um longo período – entre dois e três anos – de regime de crescimento (2% a.m), passando para o regime de menor crescimento (entre -4% e -6% a.m.), entre a decisão preliminar e final do processo Em geral, pode-se dizer que os efeitos são negativos, embora não haja uma convergência para um estado absorvente de menor crescimento das importações na maioria dos casos analisados. Adicionalmente, realiza-se uma análise ex-ante, identificando possíveis impactos de uma reação antidumping por parte dos EUA sobre o Brasil, após a criação da Área de Livre Comércio das Américas (ALCA). As simulações supõem diferentes cenários, como a recomposição de tarifas (1) nos segmentos mais afetados em termos de crescimento de importações por parte dos EUA e (2) nos segmentos historicamente mais afetados pela prática antidumping por parte dos norte-americanos. A metodologia de equilíbrio geral, através do GTAP com modelo de concorrência perfeita, mostra que, em todos cenários, os benefícios totais de bem-estar são preservados. Conclui-se também que uma eventual “blitz” antidumping sobre setores que os EUA tradicionalmente aplicam o instrumento não deve afetar o Brasil tão fortemente quanto ações antidumping sobre setores cujas importações por parte dos norte-americanos cresceriam após a implementação da ALCA. / The objective of this thesis is to investigate one of the main barriers to international trade: antidumping. While a legal tool to defeat dumping, this instrument has been highly applied especially after the reduction of tariff barriers, an outcome of multilateral trade negotiations rounds and even preferential trade agreements during the last decades. Nevertheless, the indiscriminate practice of antidumping has become dissociate even from the existence of dumping itself. This study evaluates the antidumping impacts in two different instances. Firstly, it identifies the ex-post trading effects of the antidumping processes initiated since the early 90’s by USA over several Brazilian products. The methodology used is the Markov Switching Model that allows the evaluation of regime changes on USA imports from Brazil, assessing its mean, variance and transition probabilities. The results indicate that antidumping processes are initiated usually after a long time – about two or three years – of growth regime (2% monthly), changing to a lower growth regime (-2% to –6% monthly), between preliminary and final decisions. Generally, antidumping effects over Brazilian exports have been negative, even though there isn’t a convergence to an absorbent state of exports reduction in the majority of the products studied. Moreover, an ex ante evaluation is taken forward, identifying possible outcomes of an USA antidumping reaction after the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) has been created. The simulations suppose different scenarios like a surge in tariffs, offsetting the reduction carried over by the FTAA agreement. Two scenarios include the surge in tariffs (offsetting 5% and 25% of pre Alca tariffs) in sectors which imports have been raised after FTAA has been implemented; while the third one simulates a 50% tariff offset on sectors that USA usually applies antidumping measures. The general equilibrium methodology, through the application of the standard General Trade Applied Project (GTAP), demonstrates that in all scenarios the welfare benefits are persevered. The conclusion is that an antidumping blitz over sectors that traditionally are affected by USA measures shall not affect Brazil as strongly as antidumping actions over sector in which USA imports has risen after FTAA.

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / A tese analisa a relação entre liberalização do comércio exterior, formação de coalizões políticas e restrições a políticas econômicas redistributivas. Na primeira parte, são analisados três momentos do processo de liberalização do Brasil: (i) a implementação do cronograma de liberalização formulado em 1990 pelo governo de Fernando Collor; (ii) as negociações para a criação da Área de Livre Comércio das Américas lançadas em 1994; e (iii) as negociações da Rodada Doha da Organização Mundial do Comércio lançadas em 2001. Na segunda parte, se comparam as restrições enfrentadas pela coalizão de esquerda eleita no Brasil em 2002 com as enfrentadas por outros governos de esquerda na América do Sul. As hipóteses são que as (i) coalizões políticas, na liberalização do comércio exterior, dependem da etapa do processo de abertura, que altera os efeitos do comércio sobre a renda e as políticas à disposição dos grupos para defenderem-se, e (ii) da estrutura do setor produtivo. Na segunda etapa, a hipótese é que (iii) abertura restringe políticas redistributivas mais profundas, mas não qualquer política heterodoxa. / The thesis examines the relationship between trade liberalization and class alliances. In the first section, three moments of the process of internationalization of Brazilian economy were analyzed: (i) the implementation of the liberalization schedule formulated in 1990 by the government of Fernando Collor; (ii) the negotiations for the creation of the Free Trade Area of the Americas launched in 1994; and (iii) the Doha Round negotiations of the World Trade Organization launched in 2001. In the second section, it was analysed international restrictions faced by the leftist coalition elected in Brazil, in 2002, in comparison to those elected in other South American countries.

Este trabalho tem o intuito de investigar os efeitos de uma das principais barreiras atualmente impostas ao comércio internacional: o antidumping. Embora seja um instrumento legal de combate ao comércio desleal – o dumping –, a utilização do referido instrumento passou a ser mais intensa após a redução das barreiras tarifárias promovidas pelas sucessivas rodadas de negociações multilaterais e acordos preferenciais de comércio. Concomitantemente, a prática indiscriminada do antidumping passou a estar cada vez mais dissociada da existência do próprio dumping. Nesse sentido, este trabalho avalia os impactos do antidumping sob duas óticas. A primeira, ex-post, identifica os efeitos dos processos antidumping iniciados desde o início da década de 1990 pelos EUA sobre diversos produtos brasileiros, especialmente no que tange ao desempenho das importações daquele país. Para tanto, utiliza-se a metodologia de Mudança de Regime Markoviano, que permite avaliar as alterações ocorridas ao longo do tempo na série de importações, avaliando médias, variâncias e probabilidades de transição entre regimes. Os resultados encontrados indicam que as iniciações dos processos antidumping usualmente ocorrem após um longo período – entre dois e três anos – de regime de crescimento (2% a.m), passando para o regime de menor crescimento (entre -4% e -6% a.m.), entre a decisão preliminar e final do processo Em geral, pode-se dizer que os efeitos são negativos, embora não haja uma convergência para um estado absorvente de menor crescimento das importações na maioria dos casos analisados. Adicionalmente, realiza-se uma análise ex-ante, identificando possíveis impactos de uma reação antidumping por parte dos EUA sobre o Brasil, após a criação da Área de Livre Comércio das Américas (ALCA). As simulações supõem diferentes cenários, como a recomposição de tarifas (1) nos segmentos mais afetados em termos de crescimento de importações por parte dos EUA e (2) nos segmentos historicamente mais afetados pela prática antidumping por parte dos norte-americanos. A metodologia de equilíbrio geral, através do GTAP com modelo de concorrência perfeita, mostra que, em todos cenários, os benefícios totais de bem-estar são preservados. Conclui-se também que uma eventual “blitz” antidumping sobre setores que os EUA tradicionalmente aplicam o instrumento não deve afetar o Brasil tão fortemente quanto ações antidumping sobre setores cujas importações por parte dos norte-americanos cresceriam após a implementação da ALCA. / The objective of this thesis is to investigate one of the main barriers to international trade: antidumping. While a legal tool to defeat dumping, this instrument has been highly applied especially after the reduction of tariff barriers, an outcome of multilateral trade negotiations rounds and even preferential trade agreements during the last decades. Nevertheless, the indiscriminate practice of antidumping has become dissociate even from the existence of dumping itself. This study evaluates the antidumping impacts in two different instances. Firstly, it identifies the ex-post trading effects of the antidumping processes initiated since the early 90’s by USA over several Brazilian products. The methodology used is the Markov Switching Model that allows the evaluation of regime changes on USA imports from Brazil, assessing its mean, variance and transition probabilities. The results indicate that antidumping processes are initiated usually after a long time – about two or three years – of growth regime (2% monthly), changing to a lower growth regime (-2% to –6% monthly), between preliminary and final decisions. Generally, antidumping effects over Brazilian exports have been negative, even though there isn’t a convergence to an absorbent state of exports reduction in the majority of the products studied. Moreover, an ex ante evaluation is taken forward, identifying possible outcomes of an USA antidumping reaction after the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) has been created. The simulations suppose different scenarios like a surge in tariffs, offsetting the reduction carried over by the FTAA agreement. Two scenarios include the surge in tariffs (offsetting 5% and 25% of pre Alca tariffs) in sectors which imports have been raised after FTAA has been implemented; while the third one simulates a 50% tariff offset on sectors that USA usually applies antidumping measures. The general equilibrium methodology, through the application of the standard General Trade Applied Project (GTAP), demonstrates that in all scenarios the welfare benefits are persevered. The conclusion is that an antidumping blitz over sectors that traditionally are affected by USA measures shall not affect Brazil as strongly as antidumping actions over sector in which USA imports has risen after FTAA.