Submitted by Fabio Sobreira Campos da Costa (fabio.sobreira@ufpe.br) on 2017-05-09T15:57:59Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Tese, Francisco Gleison da Costa Monteiro, versão digital.pdf: 3445811 bytes, checksum: 496eae7bc5e1a0e5024e49ecd89566fd (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-09T15:57:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Tese, Francisco Gleison da Costa Monteiro, versão digital.pdf: 3445811 bytes, checksum: 496eae7bc5e1a0e5024e49ecd89566fd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-05-24 / CAPES / Esta tese tem como objetivo analisar as experiências e as sociabilidades dos homens livres pobres nos sertões piauienses. Trata-se de uma população fragmentada e complexa que foi se assentando no imenso território do Piauí no período compreendido entre 1850 e 1888, pois avaliamos que foi nesse ínterim que houve uma intensa mobilidade de pessoas que, sem terem residência fixa, na óptica das autoridades, começam a ser vigiadas e suspeitas de crimes exatamente por serem vadias, ociosas e por rejeitarem o trabalho regular. O mote é analisar o enredo articulado pelas autoridades do gabinete provincial, da polícia e do judiciário, que produziram uma série de estratégias para controlar os homens livres, inclusive, obrigando-os a fixarem residências e a se disciplinarem para o trabalho. Tais ações culminaram com o recrutamento militar daqueles que viviam da vadiagem e da prática de furtos; os artifícios enveredam também para a criação de uma Casa de Prisão com Trabalho, além de apenar o suposto delituoso também disciplinado pelo trabalho, pela moral e pela religião. Nessas relações avaliamos os conflitos, as resistências utilizadas pelos homens livres para rejeitar tais enquadramentos, pois, ao contrário dos discursos oficiais, eles estavam trabalhando, arando a terra e criando seus animais para si e seu grupo familiar e, às vezes, negociavam os excedentes. Embates incessantes podem ser averiguados no acesso e uso da terra e dos recursos naturais, nas fugas dos recrutamentos, das cadeias públicas e da necessidade de “provar” ser pessoa do “bem” para esquivar-se da vigilância avassaladora dos governantes. As fontes utilizadas para escrever essas histórias foram jornais, legislação – leis, decretos, portarias, etc. –, correspondências, relatórios, processos-crimes e cíveis, petições. / This thesis aims to analyze the experiences and sociability of poor freemen in Piauí hinterlands. It is a fragmented and complex population which was settling in the immense territory of Piaui in the period between 1850 and 1888, as evaluated that was in the meantime there was an intense mobility of people, not having permanent residence in the view of the authorities begin to be monitored and suspected crimes precisely because they are vague, idle and reject regular work. The motto is to analyze the plot articulated by the provincial office and the police and the judiciary, which produced a number of strategies to control the freemen, including forcing them to fix homes and discipline themselves to work. Such actions led to the conscription of those who lived vagrancy and practice of thefts; the devices also are adopting for the creation of a prison house with work, in addition to penalizing the criminal supposed also disciplined by labor, moral and religion. In these relationships we evaluate conflicts, resistance used by free men to reject such frameworks because, unlike the official speeches, they were working, plowing and creating their animals for themselves and their family group and sometimes traded surplus. Incessant conflicts can be ascertained in the access and use of land and natural resources, on the trails of recruitments, public chains and the need to "prove" to be a person of "good" to evade the overwhelming surveillance of rulers. The sources used to write these stories were newspapers, laws - laws, decrees, ordinances, etc. - Correspondence, reports, processes and civil-crimes, petitions.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-14T12:23:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1802082 bytes, checksum: ddd57a5c6b3dc0512f65d1fd5670dc53 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-08-08 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / In this study, we propose to make a study of the area as a historic building. Thus, we believe that the spaces are built from a complex network of sociability and power, where a particular social group seeks exert power over the region and define its forms of production, making the daily lives of other rural social segments a field of confrontations. These forces can be scaled by the study of spatial configurations and historic culture, since these mechanisms can vary with the gimmicks that each of these groups have to materialize their practices for the production of space. Therefore, to understand these disputes, we choose the Forest north, of the state of Alagoas between the end of the eighteenth century and the first three decades of the nineteenth and its main stakeholders: the Portuguese Crown; owners, especially the gentlemen of ingenuity and the free and poor population; the Indians and maroon, examining the tactics and strategies developed by each of these social follow through data in inventories, wills, reports from the administration of the Portuguese Crown and memories travelers. / No presente trabalho, propomo-nos a fazer um estudo do espaço enquanto construção histórica. Dessa forma, entendemos que os espaços são construídos a partir de uma complexa rede de sociabilidades e poderes, onde um determinado grupo social busca definir as suas formas de produção na região. Essas forças podem ser dimensionadas pelo estudo das configurações espaciais e da cultura histórica, uma vez que, esses mecanismos de poder variam de acordo com as astúcias que cada um desses grupos constroem para materializar em suas práticas. Assim, para compreendermos essas disputas, escolhemos a Mata Norte de Alagoas, entre o final do século XVIII e as três primeiras décadas do XIX, e seus principais agentes sociais: a Coroa portuguesa; proprietários, especialmente os senhores de engenho; a população livre e pobre; os índios e os quilombolas, buscando analisar as táticas e estratégias elaboradas pelos segmentos sociais.

A primeira geração de brasileiros estabelecida no Golfo do Benim era composta por negreiros, cujas relações tecidas com chefias locais e a manutenção das redes comerciais no Brasil, principalmente na Bahia, haviam lhes rendido ganhos econômicos e de status. Esses indivíduos foram responsáveis constituir as condições necessárias à instalação de uma segunda geração de brasileiros, em muitos aspectos, distinta da anterior. Composta majoritariamente por africanos libertos e seus descendentes, esse grupo começou a descer no litoral ocidental africano a partir de 1835. Vindos principalmente de Salvador, tais ex-cativos transformaram significativamente a composição humana das sociedades costeiras onde se estabeleceram. Como uma comunidade a parte e, no entanto, em permanente diálogo com os contextos em que seus indivíduos estavam inscritos, esses brasileiros de segunda geração foram responsáveis por selecionar e ressignificar os sinais distintivos de seu grupo. O ciclo de homenagens dirigidas ao Senhor do Bonfim é apresentado nessa dissertação como uma das ocasiões em que esse pertencimento à comunidade brasileira é publicamente ativado. Tendo a festa dedicada ao Senhor do Bonfim, o folguedo da burrinha e as canções entoadas em dias de comemoração como eixo temático que permeia esse estudo, procurei relacionar a constituição da identidade brasileira na África como um processo elaborado a partir do contato proporcionado pelo Atlântico. Nesse sentido, procuro entender quais teriam sido os mecanismos de seleção e descarte aplicados a essas comemorações que atravessaram o oceano e, no interior da comunidade, ganharam novos emblemas e adquiriram diferentes significados, constituindo um dos sinais diacríticos de uma identidade brasileira que é, sobretudo, Atlântica. / The first generation of Brazilians established in Benim Golf was made of African slaves who came by ships named negreiros whose relationships tighten with local chiefs and the maintenance of commercial networks in Brazil, mainly in Bahia, have had economic and status earnings. Those Brazilians were responsible for constituting the necessary conditions for the installment of a second generation of Brazilians, in many aspects, different from the one before. Mostly composed by freed Africans and their descendants, such group started to come down to the African Occidental Coast starting in 1835. They mainly came from Salvador and such ex-captives significantly transformed the human composition of coast societies where they established themselves. As a separate community, yet, in permanent dialogue with the contexts where its individuals where registered, those second generation Brazilians were responsible for selecting and giving a new meaning to the different signs of their group. The homage cycle addressed to Senhor do Bomfim is presented in this dissertation as one of the occasions where such pertaining to a Brazilian community is publicly active. Having the party dedicated to Senhor do Bomfim, the folguedo da burrinha (religious party) and the songs tuned in celebration days as thematic axis which permeates this study; I have tried to relate the constitution of the Brazilian identity in Africa as an elaborated process starting from the contact provided by the Atlantic Ocean. In that sense, I have tried to understand what were the mechanisms of selection and discharge applied to those celebrations that crossed the ocean and, in the community interior, gained new emblems and have acquired different meanings, constituting one of the diacritical signs of a Brazilian identity that is, above all, an Atlantic one.

Compte tenu de l'importance de l'antinomie esclavage/liberté dans la pensée des Grecs et des Romains à l'époque classique, la participation de quelques hommes libres aux mouvements dirigés par des esclaves révoltés renvoie à un problème complexe. Les esclaves-marchandises, définis comme « choses », étaient représentés comme des étrangers, comme les « autres » contre lesquels tous les citoyens (autant les riches propriétaires d'esclaves que les pauvres paysans et artisans) se sont définis eux-mêmes comme unité. La dichotomie esclave/citoyen servait à nuancer d'un point de vue idéologique les rapports d'exploitation et les différences de richesse entre les citoyens. Malgré les différences juridiques, politiques, idéologiques et sociales qui séparaient les hommes libres des esclaves, les sources narratives nous disent que certains hommes libres n'ont pas réprimé les esclaves rebelles comme ils auraient dû le faire en solidarité avec les riches, mais ont participé, au contraire, au pillage des biens de ces derniers ou se sont joints aux esclaves dans les révoltes. Dans ce travail nous étudions la participation de quelques hommes libres et pauvres (aporoi) aux guerres serviles sous la République romaine et leur relation avec les esclaves révoltés, problématique parfois négligée par l'historiographie. Face au courant historiographique qui néglige la participation des libres et celui qui la surestime, nous revalorisons une ligne de recherche qui atteste le caractère servile des insurrections (puisqu'il semble que le rôle principal de ces révoltes ait été tenu par les esclaves, tant du point de vue qualitatif que quantitatif) en affirmant parallèlement que la participation des hommes libres en fut un élément important. Nous croyons que cette lecture est la plus fidèle aux témoignages de nos sources et que nous apportons quelques éléments pour la repenser en abordant son étude dans le cadre de l'imaginaire démocratique classique qui tendait à encourager la solidarité citoyenne face à la menace servile, en analysant chaque révolte séparément afin d'évaluer la relation établie entre les couches inférieures de la société et en dégageant la participation des aporoi par leur révolte parallèle ou par leur intégration dans les rangs rebelles comme des symptômes des fortes tensions civiles à l'intérieur du corps citoyen que nous définissons en termes de staseis (discordes civiles) dont les révoltes serviles se sont nourries. C'est pourquoi nous croyons que la participation des aporoi fut au moins un facteur parmi d'autres favorisant les insurrections serviles. Dans le cas de la première guerre sicilienne et dans celui de la guerre des gladiateurs, nous soutenons l'idée de l'existence d'une alliance conjoncturelle entre les esclaves révoltés et les aporoi. En revanche, dans le cas de la seconde guerre servile, nous défendons l'interprétation selon laquelle les libres pauvres ont profité de l'occasion pour piller les propriétés des riches. Notre analyse vise à nuancer les visions théoriques les plus inflexibles qui en fonction de l'importance des barrières juridiques et idéologiques entre les hommes libres et les esclaves affirment l'absolue incommunicabilité entre les deux groupes. Il y eu des exceptions, comme par exemple dans les guerres serviles où un secteur des masses plébéiennes et libres a ignoré les constructions idéologiques qui représentaient les esclaves comme leur strict contraire. / The participation of free men in the movements led by rebellious slaves sets a complex problem in terms of the importance of the freedom/slavery antinomy in the thinking of the ancient Greeks and Romans. The chattel-slaves, defined as things, were represented as foreigners. The slaves served as the ‘Others’ against which all citizens, from the rich slave owners to the poor artisans and peasants, defined themselves as a unity. The contrast between the slave and the citizen made it possible to shade, from an ideological point of view, the relations of exploitation and the differences of wealth between the citizens. This tended to suppress the social conflict between them. Despite the significant legal and political differences between the free and the enslaved, and the ideological representation that was made of it, the sources narrate that some free men not only did not repress the rebel slaves in the great servile revolts, in solidarity with their rich fellow citizens, but they plundered these last ones or joined the fugitives. In the present work, we study the participation of impoverished free men (aporoi) in the late-republican servile wars and the relationship they established with the rebel slaves, a problem that has sometimes been neglected by the historiography or only partially treated. Some historiographical currents neglected the participation of the aporoi in the servile wars, and others overestimate it. In opposition, we revalue a line of investigation that, on the one hand, maintains the servile nature of the insurrections, since, the main role was apparently of the rebel slaves, but on the other hand affirms that the participation of free men was an important element. We believe that this point of view is the most appropriate for the testimonies of the sources and we contribute elements to rethink it. Those elements include: to focus the study within the framework of the classic democratic imaginary that will tend to promote the citizen solidarity facing the servile threat; to analyse each revolt individually to evaluate the relationship between the subaltern sectors; and understand the participation of the aporoi, either its parallel rebellion or its inflow to the rebel ranks, as the symptom of tensions within the citizen body that can be defined in terms of stáseis (civil discords), of which the servile revolts nurtured from the beginning. Therefore, the participation of the aporoi is a factor, among others, that helped the growth of the servile revolts. In the case of the first Sicilian revoit and the revoit of Spartacus, we maintain the existence of a conjunctural alliance between the rebellious slaves and the aporoi .In contrast, in the second Sicilian revoit, we defend the interpretative line that supports the idea that there was no relationship between the two groups, but rather two parallel revolts: the free poor simply took advantage of the opportunity in the servile revoit to plunder the properties of the rich. Our work attempts to nuance the most rigid theoretical views that affirm the absolute incommunicability between plebeians and slaves. There were occasions, albeit unusual, where the abyss that separated the free man from the slave did not seem to be so great, at least not to the aporoi, who ignored the imaginary that pitted them against the dishonored social dead. The servile wars were one of those cases.

A primeira geração de brasileiros estabelecida no Golfo do Benim era composta por negreiros, cujas relações tecidas com chefias locais e a manutenção das redes comerciais no Brasil, principalmente na Bahia, haviam lhes rendido ganhos econômicos e de status. Esses indivíduos foram responsáveis constituir as condições necessárias à instalação de uma segunda geração de brasileiros, em muitos aspectos, distinta da anterior. Composta majoritariamente por africanos libertos e seus descendentes, esse grupo começou a descer no litoral ocidental africano a partir de 1835. Vindos principalmente de Salvador, tais ex-cativos transformaram significativamente a composição humana das sociedades costeiras onde se estabeleceram. Como uma comunidade a parte e, no entanto, em permanente diálogo com os contextos em que seus indivíduos estavam inscritos, esses brasileiros de segunda geração foram responsáveis por selecionar e ressignificar os sinais distintivos de seu grupo. O ciclo de homenagens dirigidas ao Senhor do Bonfim é apresentado nessa dissertação como uma das ocasiões em que esse pertencimento à comunidade brasileira é publicamente ativado. Tendo a festa dedicada ao Senhor do Bonfim, o folguedo da burrinha e as canções entoadas em dias de comemoração como eixo temático que permeia esse estudo, procurei relacionar a constituição da identidade brasileira na África como um processo elaborado a partir do contato proporcionado pelo Atlântico. Nesse sentido, procuro entender quais teriam sido os mecanismos de seleção e descarte aplicados a essas comemorações que atravessaram o oceano e, no interior da comunidade, ganharam novos emblemas e adquiriram diferentes significados, constituindo um dos sinais diacríticos de uma identidade brasileira que é, sobretudo, Atlântica. / The first generation of Brazilians established in Benim Golf was made of African slaves who came by ships named negreiros whose relationships tighten with local chiefs and the maintenance of commercial networks in Brazil, mainly in Bahia, have had economic and status earnings. Those Brazilians were responsible for constituting the necessary conditions for the installment of a second generation of Brazilians, in many aspects, different from the one before. Mostly composed by freed Africans and their descendants, such group started to come down to the African Occidental Coast starting in 1835. They mainly came from Salvador and such ex-captives significantly transformed the human composition of coast societies where they established themselves. As a separate community, yet, in permanent dialogue with the contexts where its individuals where registered, those second generation Brazilians were responsible for selecting and giving a new meaning to the different signs of their group. The homage cycle addressed to Senhor do Bomfim is presented in this dissertation as one of the occasions where such pertaining to a Brazilian community is publicly active. Having the party dedicated to Senhor do Bomfim, the folguedo da burrinha (religious party) and the songs tuned in celebration days as thematic axis which permeates this study; I have tried to relate the constitution of the Brazilian identity in Africa as an elaborated process starting from the contact provided by the Atlantic Ocean. In that sense, I have tried to understand what were the mechanisms of selection and discharge applied to those celebrations that crossed the ocean and, in the community interior, gained new emblems and have acquired different meanings, constituting one of the diacritical signs of a Brazilian identity that is, above all, an Atlantic one.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:31:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 HIS - Alan Modesto Dias.pdf: 568014 bytes, checksum: 6b0b4be22b55c1167f97086d98b926b4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-10-06 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The dissertation analyzes the daily routine of poor and free men conductors, small grocers, leprous, women and hillbillies described by the Portuguese writer Augusto Emílio Zaluar, in his written literary work Peregrinação pela Província de São Paulo, 1860 1861. (Peregrination through the Province of São Paulo). His documentary scope is based on trip accounts from the 19th century, work manuscripts and letters from the Agricultural Congress of Rio de Janeiro in 1878. The dissertation is divided into 3 chapters as following. The first chapter goes over the universe of particularities that establish the process of repeated visits of the Portuguese America, the intentions of foreign travelers from the 19th century, as well as their assessment prospect before the values and customs of poor and free men. The second chapter goes over the peculiarities of the roads between small cities from countryside and conductors and small grocer s daily routine. The third chapter goes over the urban scenery and the daily routine of leprous, women and hillbillies / A dissertação analisa a vida cotidiana dos homens pobres e livres condutores, vendeiros, leprosos, mulheres e caipiras descritos pelo português Augusto Emílio Zaluar, em sua obra Peregrinação pela Província de São Paulo, 1860 1861. Seu escopo documental é fundamentado em relatos de viagem do século XIX, ofícios manuscritos e cartas do Congresso Agrícola do Rio de Janeiro de 1878. A dissertação está dividida em três capítulos. No primeiro analisa o universo de especificidades que determinaram o processo de revisitação da América Portuguesa, a intencionalidade dos viajantes de origem estrangeira no século XIX, assim como a sua perspectiva avaliativa diante dos valores e costumes dos homens pobres e livres. No segundo, aborda as particularidades dos caminhos terrestres entre as cidades do interior e a vida cotidiana de condutores e vendeiros. No terceiro, analisa o cenário urbano e a cotidianidade de leprosos, mulheres e caipiras