Submitted by Geandra Rodrigues (geandrar@gmail.com) on 2018-05-04T13:03:12Z No. of bitstreams: 1 viniciusborgesgomes.pdf: 1328500 bytes, checksum: 0e596e7e81e2f85718226cce4938b965 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2018-05-07T15:22:05Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 viniciusborgesgomes.pdf: 1328500 bytes, checksum: 0e596e7e81e2f85718226cce4938b965 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-07T15:22:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 viniciusborgesgomes.pdf: 1328500 bytes, checksum: 0e596e7e81e2f85718226cce4938b965 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-28 / Os campos da comunicação e da política tiveram suas fronteiras cada vez mais indefinidas, na medida em que se desenvolveu um espaço midiático, sobretudo com o crescimento da mídia massiva e de grande alcance. A midiatização da sociedade implica novas formas de relação e interdependência, que certamente altera a arena política – o fluxo de informações e a construção das imagens passa por uma rede de influências e modos comunicativos diversos. Desta forma, as instituições políticas, inclusive os partidos, desenvolvem suas narrativas numa ambiência midiatizada, que coloca em xeque a própria importância dos mesmos como instrumentos de representação. Esse questionamento é conjuntural no Brasil. Desde 2014, ano de eleições presidenciais, aprofunda-se uma crise política e institucional de proporções históricas. O impeachment da presidenta eleita Dilma Rousseff alterou a normalidade democrática do País e foi acompanhado de um descontentamento generalizado da população para com a classe política – processo de insatisfação popular iniciado desde as Jornadas de 2013. Neste sentido, este trabalho questiona como os partidos mais tradicionais do país construíram suas narrativas no espaço da Propaganda Partidária Gratuita (PPG) – se em função da crise de representação, eles buscaram resgatar aspectos ligados à memória histórica como instrumentos de legitimação de suas ações. O corpus de análise seleciona todas as propagandas exibidas entre 2014 e 2017 do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira (PSDB) e Partido do Movimento Democrático Brasileiro (PMDB). A aplicação da Análise de Conteúdo (BARDIN, 1977) se dá numa vertente qualitativa e quantitativa. Dentre outros assuntos e correntes teóricas abordadas, faz-se um estudo do conceito de campanha permanente, aqui aferido sob o ponto de vista das disputas de poder para além das eleições. Também se discute o conceito de representação e a crise do presidencialismo de coalizão, que tem ligação direto ao contexto analisado. / The communication and political fields have had their boundaries increasingly indefinite, as a media space has developed, above all with the growth of a massive and far-reaching media. The mediatization of society implies new relationships and interdependence forms, which certainly alters the political arena – the information flux and images construction goes through an influences and diverse communicative modes network. In this way, political institutions, including political parties, developed their narratives in a mediatized environment, which questions their very importance as representation instruments. This question is conjunctural in Brazil. Since 2014, the year of presidential elections, a political and institutional crisis of historical proportions has deepened. The impeachment of elect-president Dilma Rouseff altered the country’s democratic normality and was followed by a general displeasure by the population towards the political class - popular dissatisfaction process initiated since the 2013 Days. In this respect, this study questions how the most traditional political parties of the country built their narratives in the Free Party Advertisements (FPA) – if, by reason of the representation crisis, they sought to rescue aspects related to historical memory, as instruments of legimation of their actions. The analysis contents selects all featured advertisements from 2014 to 2017 of “Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT)”, “Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira (PSDB)” and “Partido do Movimento Democrático Brasileiro (PMDB)”. The application of Content Analysis (BARDIN, 1977), takes place in a qualitive and quantitative strand. Among other subjects and theoretical currents approached, a study of permanent campaign concept is made, from de point of view of power disputes, beyond the elections. It’s also discussed the concept of representation and the crisis of coalition presidentialism, which has a direct link to the analyzed context.

Les raves, les free parties et les teknivals, sont des fêtes techno à l'origine d'une panique morale en France. L'histoire sociale de ces phénomènes est celle d'une répression d'État. Nous avons tâché de saisir (l'essence de) l'expérience de ces fêtes, compte tenu d'un marqueur temporel et biographique : l'événement marquant (Michèle Leclerc-Olive, 1997). Il s'est agi dans un premier temps, pour des teuffeurs volontaires, et membres de Sound Systems, de se raconter dans le cadre d'entretiens biographiques. Puis, dans un deuxième temps, d'identifier, .avec notre aide, ce qui a orienté, et décidé de leur parcours. Leur vie ne fut-elle que délire ? Jouissance esthétique ? Un « activiste » techno n'est-il marqué que par la fête ? Les récits de vie de Marc, de Fabrice, de Marie-Sophie et de Gino, nous ont permis de répondre à ces questions / Raves, free parties and teknivals are techno parties that, in France, are the origin of moral panic. Their social history and phenomena are those of state suppression. This thesis attempts to catch (the essence of) the experience of these parties given a temporal and biographical event: The notewor1hy event (Michèle Leclerc-Olive, 1997). ln the first place the ravers and other voluntary members from Sound Systems told about themselves within the frame of biographical interviews. Then, as a second step, the goal was to identify, with our help, what guided and decided their path. Was their life only a "blast"? An aesthetically pleasing? Would a techno "activist" be marked only by celebration? Life stories of Marc, Fabrice, Marie­ Sophie and Gino helped us to bring a clear answer to these questions

Au carrefour de la sociologie de la culture et de la sociologie de la déviance, ce travail porte sur les dimensions festives et oppositionnelles du monde des free parties, qui s’articule autour de manifestations techno clandestines et marginales. A partir d’une enquête ethnographique, il s’agit d’examiner une pratique culturelle et musicale mais aussi de saisir la variété des expressions oppositionnelles que les jeunes engagés dans ce monde y déploient. A la suite d’un travail de clarification théorique, cette recherche s’inspire de la notion de contre-culture, dans laquelle l’idée de conflictualité est centrale. Cet outil conceptuel permet d’explorer diverses facettes de l’univers free, controversé et encore largement méconnu, et notamment sa composante « contre ». On peut ainsi montrer que, si le monde free est loin d’être réductible à ses dimensions oppositionnelles, celles-ci peuvent donner un relief particulier à la fête – et réciproquement. La pertinence du croisement entre l’objet « free parties » et l’outil conceptuel « contre-cultures » est due en partie à la double déviance, sociale et légale, qui caractérise les fêtes techno étudiées. Les différents aspects oppositionnels mis en évidence dans ce monde juvénile, ainsi que la distinction entre non-conformité et contestation qui en émane, permettent d’analyser le rapport entre déviance, illégalité, conflictualité/illégalité à la lumière du cas des free parties. / At the crossroads of the sociology of culture and the sociology of deviance, this work focuses on the festive and oppositional dimensions of the free party world, which revolves around clandestine and marginal techno events. Based on an ethnographic research, this study aims to examine a cultural and musical practice but also to grasp the various oppositional expressions unfolding within this youth culture. After providing a theoretical clarification, I draw on the notion of counterculture, in which the idea of conflict is central. This conceptual tool enables me to explore various facets of the free party universe, controversial and still largely misunderstood, and in particular its antagonistic elements. Thus I show that, while the free party world does not amount to its oppositional dimensions, the latter can enhance the festive experience – and vice versa. The double deviance – both social and legal – characteristic of the studied techno parties makes it all the more relevant to bring together this object of study and the concept of counterculture. The various oppositional aspects of this youth culture I highlight, as well as the resulting distinction between nonconformity and contention, enable me to analyze the relationship between deviance, illegality, and conflict/counterculture in the light of the case of free parties.