Magister Educationis - MEd / M.Ed. mini-tesis, Departement Filosofie van die Opvoeding, Universiteit van wes-Kaapland. Hierdie mini-tesis ondersoek die gebruik van geweld deur die Suid-Afrikaanse regering as regverdiging om'n ~ "demokratiese" staat instand te hou asook die gebruik van geweld deur magte wat "n "meer" demokratiese staat daar wil stel. In Hoofstuk 1 word daar geargumenteer dat die gebruik van geweld 'n morele kwessie is en word daar onder meer verwys na die verskillende soorte geweld wat aangetref word. Veral word daar gekyk of alle burgers " onder die verpligting is om die staat te gehoorsaam en of hierdie gehoorsaamheid onreflektiewe gehoorsaamheid is. In Hoofstuk 2 word gekyk of dwang ooit geregverdig is deur te kyk na die verband tussen Positiewe en Negatiewe Vryheid en dwang. In Hooofstuk 3 word daar kortliks gekyk na waarom die demokrasie die mees aanvaarbare vorm van regering vir die mens as rasionele wese is. Daarna (Hoofstuk 4) word ondersoek ingestel na eerstens die verband tussen moraliteit en demokrasie en tweedens na die verband tussen demokrasie en geweld deur te verwys na die klassieke en die kontempor~re teorie~ van demokrasie. In Hoofstuk 5 word daar veral gekyk na watter ruimte, indienenige, daar vir wettige teenstemming "dissent" in 'n demokrasie bestaan asook hoe daar binne 'n demokrasie teenstemming gebied kan word en watter beperkinge daar op vryheid van spraak en assosiasie as wettige teenkanting is. Daar word dan ook kortliks gekyk na hoe geweld indruis teen demokratiese prosedure en of daar ook ander faktore is wat die demokratiese proses beinvloed. In Hoofstuk 6 kyk ek na hoe die polemici voordeel probeer trek deur die konsep "geweld" op 'n bepaalde manier te hanteer deur daarop te wys dat "geweldloos" nie die teenoorgestelde van "gewelddadig" is nie. Verskeie vorme van geweldlose verset of pasifisme word kortliks ondersoek en word uitgewys dat ook daar 'n vorm van dwang teenwoordig is. Die verband tussen demokrasie en geweldlose verset word dan ondersoek. In Hoofstuk 7 word gekyk na geweld in die Suid-Afrikaanse skolestelsel deur te wys op hoe die studente en die staat onderskeidelik die konsepte geweld en demokrasie hanteer en toepas. Daar word kortliks uitgewys dat vrede nie sinoniem met egverdigheid is nie. Veral word gekyk na die polisie en weermag en morele regverdiging van geweld. In Hoofstuk 8 word gekyk na wat bedoel word met 'n demokratiese onderwysstelsel deur veral te kyk na 'n model van deelnemende demokrasie en hoe studente-praktyke moontlik aanleiding tot geweld kan gee. In Hoofstik 9 word 'n kort samevatting van die argument gegee.

It is surmised that the Maintenance of Surviving Spouses Act 27 of 1990 can be classified as a very profound, yet acceptable limitation on a married person’s right to freedom of testation. This research provides an exposition as to the background of the Act, the promulgation thereof, as well an exposition of provisions of the said Act and a critical analysis of these provisions. At common law, before the promulgation of the Maintenance of Surviving Spouses Act, a surviving spouse had no right to claim maintenance from the estate of the first dying spouse. This research shows that the main proponents for the disallowance of a claim for maintenance by the surviving spouse, can be attributed to two prominent features, namely, a person’s right to freedom of testation and due to the fact that there was no duty of support on the first dying spouse’s estate. The aim of this dissertation is to give an analysis as to the accessibility to a claim for maintenance in terms of the Maintenance of Surviving Spouses Act, as well as to outline certain issues that have been experienced thus far. As a point of departure, an exposition is given as to the reasoning and the purpose for the promulgation of the Act. An examination is further made as to what denotes a “spouse” in order to be eligible to qualify for a claim, as the Act has failed in giving a concise definition in this regard. This aspect is investigated from a traditional standpoint, as well from the standpoint based on constitutional principles. The research furthermore focuses on the determination of the claim itself, the factors that must be taken into consideration to ascertain if a claim is allowable against the estate of the first dying spouse and how the executor is to deal with the said claim. In conclusion, this research provides certain recommendations that could assist in striking a balance between the allowance of a claim against the estate of the first dying spouse, as well as the ultimate beneficiaries who would have benefitted in terms of the will, or in terms of the law of intestate succession. / Mini Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2019. / Private Law / LLM / Unrestricted

This dissertation delineates the ways in which the political vicissitudes, economic restructuring and cultural fissures of the 1960s and 1970s shaped the commemoration of the Bicentennial of American Independence and elucidates how, in turn, the Bicentennial helped catalyze the eventual emergence of the cultural formations and political economy of neoliberalism. Using cultural studies frameworks to analyze archival policy memoranda, planning, curatorial and design records, journalistic accounts, photographs and audio-visual recordings, I demonstrate that the Bicentennial became a crucible in which Americans across the political spectrum reframed historical narratives, reconceived national identity and debated the proper role of the federal government. This study argues that political, economic and cultural elites mounted events that answered social movement demands for inclusiveness but contained their potential to effect radical change. The corporate sponsorships devised for Bicentennial projects profoundly expanded the role of corporations within the cultural sphere, enabling museums to adapt to the dismantling of the "welfare state" and laying the groundwork for the public-private partnerships that became the cornerstones of neoliberalism in the1980s. Chapter 1 examines a traveling Smithsonian exhibition, "Workers and Allies: Female Participation in the American Trade Union Movement 1824-1876," to illuminate the challenges of conducting public history in a moment when national narratives are highly contested. Chapter 2 argues that the Nixon administration imposed its overriding policy agenda of New Federalism upon the Bicentennial planning process to help engender a conservative realignment of American values and the electorate. Chapter 3 chronicles the transformation of the Smithsonian Festival of American Folklife from a small celebration of deep-rooted folkways with counterhegemonic aims into a grand multicultural Bicentennial spectacle that advanced the ideological and economic prerogatives of the Smithsonian's liberal leadership, of conservative politicians, and its major corporate sponsors. Chapter 4 explores the launch and exhibition design of the American Freedom Train, which marshaled substantial economic and political resources of the federal government and four American corporations - Pepsico, Prudential, Kraftco, and General Motors. This single most widely-circulated project reasserted a teleological narrative of steady economic, technological, and social progress and affirmed the cultural authority of its corporate stewards and the success of privatization. / 2019-04-30T00:00:00Z

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<p>Michel Foucault's philosophy took the form of a series of historicallygrounded "genealogical" studies of the interconnections between knowledge and various social practices in contemporary society. This work is a reading of "the good11-to use Charles Taylor's term-in Foucault's genealogies.</p> <p> According to the American social-historian David Rothman, "history is a liberating discipline for it reminds us that there is nothing inevitable about the institutions and procedures that surround us. In developing my reading of "the good" in Foucault's genealogies I have endeavoured to translate the spirit of this claim into the proposition that Foucault's genealogies were an expression of his desire to increase human freedom through historical critique; i.e., that Foucault's ethics were embodied in his philosophy which constitutes "a practice of freedom".</p> / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

“The Politics of Devotion” is a social, political, and intellectual history of Catholicism in the Spanish colonies of Cuba and Puerto Rico during the last third of the nineteenth century. Against the backdrop of persistent quarrels about freedom of religion and political independence in which Liberals and Freemasons played a central role, the project argues that the twin threats of secularism and separatism pushed Catholicism to become a militant political stance in the island colonies. Faced with debates about would-be independent nations where Catholicism would be dethroned as the State religion, it became clear to both common Catholics and ecclesiastics that for Catholicism to survive, it was imperative that the Spanish Empire prevail. The dissertation therefore details how Catholics confronted and engaged novel ideas that called their faith into question and shows how Catholicism, traditionally espoused as a matter of private belief, transformed into a political and public position. It explores how the faithful organized themselves around Catholicism to safeguard both their fate and the fate of their islands, and made religion a key element in civic life, whereby one was either a patriot and a good Catholic or a separatist and a godless individual. The project also reevaluates the development of civil societies in Cuba and Puerto Rico, reinserting Catholicism into a narrative of political struggle that eschews religion in favor of political philosophies and intellectual movements understood as modern at the time, and proposes that the expansion of these civil societies was achieved alongside, rather than in spite of, discussions about the centrality of Catholicism and its practices.

Both within and outside of the academy, most commentary treats neural engineering, and the “crisis of agency” it allegedly introduces, as something new. Yet my dissertation shows that technologies to modulate and record brain activity have been (1) a key factor in the creation of the discipline of neuroscience, (2) a central concern in the development of liberal ideologies of personhood and freedom, and (3) a critical feature of the what scholars have recently termed the “data economy” or “surveillance capitalism.” My work makes these arguments by offering the first monograph length scholarly study of neural engineering, documenting the rise, fall, and reappearance of brain implant technology. Techniques to stimulate and record the human brain were at the core of the creation of the discipline of neuroscience, and after 1951, long-term brain implant systems were used for research in dozens of human patients. The public backlash against brain engineering was enormous, allying both conservatives and New Left in the latter half of the 1960s, and by the late 1970s the once thriving research field had disappeared. But brain implants were not gone for good: in 2013, President Obama announced the Brain Research through Advancing Innovative Neurotechnologies (BRAIN) Initiative to map the brain with a wireless brain implant called Deep Brain Stimulation (DBS) hailed as its flagship technology. While brain implants in the 1970s seemed to threaten the existence of an autonomous self on which both the free market and democracy were premised, brain implants in the era of big data promise dazzling economic value. The global brain stimulation market is projected to be worth $6.2 billion by 2022, much of it underwritten by US military funding, with data monopolists like Alphabet and Facebook vying with Elon Musk to establish brain implant labs. In contrast to prevalent commentary that takes brain implants to have introduced a crisis of the agentic human, I argue that neural engineering’s reappearance has been made possible by permutations in liberal ideologies of “freedom” and “the human”; changes which I argue are conditioned by rise of post-industrial or “data” capitalism. As a critical account of the neurosciences, the story my dissertation tells differs from the many accounts of “neurosubjectivity” currently influential in STS, which date changes in liberal conceptions of the human to the ascent of neuroscience in the 1990s. Instead, the work shows how the politics of “freedom” in the latter half of the twentieth century came to be defined against neural engineering as a foil. It documents how debates about brain implants played a central role in constructing key liberal political concerns; among them bioethics, privacy law, and the legal construction of the body as private property. These changes directly undergirded the subsequent development of the neurosciences, chiefly the Reagan-era fusion of the US academy with the biotech industry. In this way, the project shows that the 1970s defeat of neural engineering ramified into the necessary conditions for its re-emergence at the cutting edge of “data capitalism.” Ethnographic research for the project began in 2014, and I spent a total of 34 months in four labs in the US and France developing DBS for psychiatric disorder. 14 of those months were in a lab whose project was funded by DARPA, the experimental sciences branch of the US military. Archival research was conducted at 20 institutions. The dissertation begins in the 1930s by charting the network of neurophysiologists who would constitute the brain as an electrical organ. These neurophysiologists would form the first organization to call its object “neuroscience,” the International Brain Research Organization (IBRO), funded by UNESCO in 1958 to bring together Soviet and Western neurophysiologists. IBRO’s aim was to construct a universal science of the brain, one that could resist the deforming hand of the US military state’s control of science. But IBRO would be defeated by the militarization of neuroscience in the late 1960s, and its progressive imagination for neural engineering would become a bête noir for the 1970s politics of freedom. The second section offers an intellectual history of the response to neural engineering 1951-76, from midcentury panics about “totalitarian” mind control to the New Left’s mobilization against “psychiatric technocracy.” I recount the key role of brain implant research in the 1972-76 Congressional hearings that would produce the fields of bioethics and medical privacy law, while causing neural engineering to disappear. The “reinvention” of DBS hinged on its application to movement disorders like Parkinson’s in the 1980s, which allowed scientists to frame the technology as one that restored, rather than violated, individual agency. The final section begins with 2005 research “breakthrough” that began investigating—“for the first time”— brain stimulation for psychiatric disorder. Drawing on my ethnographic work, the last section follows DBS research from clinical trials to biotech startups, mapping emerging conceptions and practices of selfhood, agency, and value production. I show how these practices of scientific experimentation rely on liberal contractual forms: an agentic “self” who “consents” to experimental procedures, even while the data produced by these experiments are reframing key concepts like “decisions,” “agency,” and “ownership.” I argue that this turn toward the data-productive brain does not signal the end of a politics of free will; rather, the new forms of “surveillance” capitalism enabled by brain implant research rely on strategically invoking the agentic liberal subject through legal forms like the contract and bioethical “consent.”

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This investigation explored whether there was a relationship between comfort in discussing political views and faculty members' political party preferences. The questions of whether political comfort differed based on gender, religious affiliation, academic discipline, and/or institutional affiliation were also explored. Both economics and political science faculty did not report comfort in discussing political views in the context of departmental committee service. Economics faculty either did not report on their colleagues' political views or they disagreed with their colleagues' political views. Political science faculty either did not report on their colleagues' political views or they agreed with their colleagues' political views. Also, this investigation found minimal ethnic and political diversity among the respondents.

A six degree-of-freedom model for a tailless supersonic aircraft (TSA) concept was developed using MATLAB and Simulink. Aerodynamic data was provided through the computational fluid dynamics analysis of Techsburg, Inc. A three degree-of-freedom model of the configuration's longitudinal dynamics was completed first. Elevator control power was derived from the dynamic response requirements for pitch chosen by Techsburg. The propulsion model utilized General Electric F-414-400-like turbofan engines because an engine deck was readily available. Work on the six degree-of-freedom dynamic model began with determining the necessary rolling and yawing moment coefficients necessary to meet the rest of the chosen dynamic response requirements. These coefficients were then used to find the corresponding all-moving tip deflections. The CFD data showed that even at small all-moving tip deflections the rolling moment coefficient produced was much greater than the amount of yawing moment coefficient produced. This result showed that an additional roll effector was needed to counteract excess rolling moment at any given all-moving tip deflection and trim the aircraft. An angle of attack and pitch rate feedback controller was used to improve the longitudinal dynamics of the aircraft. Because this configuration lacked a vertical tail, a lateral-directional stability augmentation system was vital to its success. The lateral-directional dynamics were improved to Level 1 flying qualities through use of a modified roll/yaw damper. The modified controller fed yaw rate back to both the all-moving tips and roll effector. The six degree-of-freedom model was augmented with actuator dynamics for the elevator, roll effector, and all-moving tips. The actuators were modeled as first order lags. The all-moving tip actuator time constant was varied to determine the effect of actuator bandwidth on the lateral-directional flying qualities. After the actuator dynamics were successfully implemented, the six degree-of-freedom model was trimmed for both standard cruise and engine-out situations. The eccentuator concept from the DARPA Smart Wing program was selected as a possible conceptual design for the all-moving tip actuation system. The success of the TSA six degree-of-freedom dynamic model proved that morphing all-moving tips were capable of serving as effective control surfaces for a supersonic tailless aircraft. / Master of Science