abstract: This thesis examines the 1994 Rwandan genocide with a specific emphasis on the rape of Tutsi women as a weapon of genocide. From the perspective of scholarship in trauma studies, an account of the conflict and colonialism leading up to the genocide is offered in order to demonstrate the historical making of the ground of collective trauma in Rwanda. Further, this thesis examines the discursive means of the perpetuation of collective trauma in the form of the Hutu demonization of Tutsi women. Shortcomings in the justice system emerging from the genocide are also discussed as a perpetuation of trauma. Finally, projects of justice and healing among Tutsi women are examined in an account of survival and resiliency. In conclusion, women that survived the genocide have navigated through societal and governmental systems to provide better lives for themselves, their families and the society. / Dissertation/Thesis / M.A. Social Justice and Human Rights 2011

This thesis examines the massacres of the Plains Indian Wars in the United States (1851-1890) and how they relate to contemporary theories of genocide. By using the Plains Indian Wars as a case study, a critique can be made of theories which inform predictive models and genocide policy. This thesis analyzes newspaper articles, histories, congressional investigations, presidential speeches, and administrative policies surrounding the four primary massacres perpetrated by the United States during this time. An ideology of racial superiority and fears of insecurity, impurity, and insurgency drove the actions of the white settler-colonialists and their military counterparts. Still, despite the theoretical emphasis on massacre in genocide theory, massacres on the Plains were relatively rare compared to the use of other genocidal tactics. This demonstrates that contemporary genocide theorists must be careful not to unintentionally limit thinking on genocide to strict military or militia led violence.

Submitted by THASSIO SOARES ROCHA ALVES null (thassiorocha@hotmail.com) on 2016-03-11T19:41:33Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTAÇÃO Thassio Alves.pdf: 1271683 bytes, checksum: a34da3a33a0b2c58a088c23fdcf718ef (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Juliano Benedito Ferreira (julianoferreira@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-03-15T16:24:04Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 alvez_tsr_me_mar.pdf: 1271683 bytes, checksum: a34da3a33a0b2c58a088c23fdcf718ef (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T16:24:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 alvez_tsr_me_mar.pdf: 1271683 bytes, checksum: a34da3a33a0b2c58a088c23fdcf718ef (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-26 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / O presente estudo tem por objetivo a investigação da criação de dois instrumentos da Organização das Nações Unidas para a garantia dos Direitos Humanos, o Conselho de Segurança e a Convenção para a Prevenção e Repressão do Crime de Genocídio. Além disso, a principal linha de estudo é que os dois instrumentos supracitados não conseguiram evitar que casos de genocídio voltassem a ocorrer após o Holocausto, como nos casos do Camboja, Antiga Iugoslávia, Ruanda e Darfur, estes dois últimos o foco deste trabalho. Para atingir o objetivo proposto foi feito um estudo cronológico dos eventos, começando pela criação da ONU e o Conselho de Segurança, passando pela Convenção do Genocídio até chegar aos casos dos países africanos. Esta metodologia nos permite entender que mesmo com os esforços das Nações Unidas para garantir a paz e a segurança internacional, os resultados mostram que as medidas não foram suficientes, cabendo então à reflexão dos porquês. O principal objetivo que levou ao estudo deste tema é a busca de entender os motivos da ineficiência da Convenção do Genocídio, buscando nas resoluções aprovadas pelo Conselho de Segurança uma semelhança entre os casos, mostrando assim se há um padrão. Havendo este padrão, se faz necessário entender quais interesses por parte dos países com direito a veto no Conselho, para saber se esses interesses tiveram relações com os genocídios. Sendo assim, a crítica à postura tanto dos membros permanentes, como também de todos os países signatários da Convenção para Prevenção e Repressão ao Crime de Genocídio é importante, pois todos falharam diversas vezes com suas responsabilidades, cabendo então a análise de possíveis alternativas. / This study aims to investigate the creation of two instruments of the United Nations to guarantee the human rights, the Security Council and the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. In addition, the main line of the study is that the two aforementioned instruments failed to prevent cases of genocide returned to occur after the Holocaust, as in the cases of Cambodia, the former Yugoslavia, Rwanda and Darfur, the latter two the focus of this work. To achieve this purpose was made a chronological study of events, beginning with the UN's creation and the Security Council, through the Genocide Convention until you get to the cases of African countries. This methodology allows us to understand that even in with the UN efforts to ensure peace and international security, the results show that the measures were not enough, then fitting reflection of the whys. The main objective that led to the study of this theme is the quest to understand the reasons for the inefficiency of the Genocide Convention, seeking the resolutions adopted by the Security Council a similarity between the cases, showing if there is a pattern. Having this standard, it is necessary to understand what interests by the countries with a veto in the Council to see if these interests have relations with genocide. Therefore, the criticism of the stance of both the permanent members, as well as all countries signatories to the Convention for the Prevention and Repression of the Crime of Genocide is important since all failed several times with their responsibilities, then fitting the analysis of possible alternatives.

abstract: The question of whether there has been an American Indian genocide has been contested, when genocide is defined according to the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. Yet, I argue that both social and cultural genocide of American Indians has had volatile consequences for both Native and non-Native peoples. Because of the contested nature of this genocide, American Indian Studies scholars contend that Indigenous people's experiences often get marginalized and reconstructed, relegating stories to the category oppression, rather than proof of genocide, which has created intellectual and social absences (Vizenor 2009). Other American Indian Studies scholars argue for reform within American Indian educational settings, where Indigenous nations use their values and traditions within curricula to combat national absences. Despite excellent work on American Indian education, scholars have not addressed the central questions of how such absences affect both Native and non-Native students, why those absences exist, and why the U.S. dialogue around genocide is a rhetoric of avoidance and erasure, once any comparison begins with other genocide victims. Without adequate analysis of both American Indian genocide and absences within curricula, particularly humanities courses such as literature, where stories about American Indians can have a prominent space, we undervalue their impact on America's past and present histories, as well as current knowledges and values. Erasure of American Indian presence affects both Native and non-Native youth. Many American Indians are traumatized and believe their tribe’s stories are not worthy of inclusion. As well many non-Natives are unaware of Indigenous experiences and often left with stereotypes rather than realities. A Haudenosaunee paradigm of Good Mind can re-situate how we think about the canon, literature, and the classroom. The Good Mind allows for a two-way path where ideas pass back and forth, respecting differences, rather than replacing those differences with one ideology. This path is meant to open minds to connections with others which are kind and loving and lead to peaceful relationships. Theorizing literary erasure and genocide of the mind through experiences from Native and non-Native students and teachers embodies the Good Mind. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation English 2017

Magister Scientiae - MSc / The 20th century has witnessed several wars and genocides worldwide. Notable examples include the Armenian and Jews genocides which took place during World War I and World War II respectively. The Rwandan genocide of 1994 is a more recent example. These wars and genocides have impacted on the socio-economic and demographic transition with resounding crisis. The present study focused on the Rwandan genocide which affected households and families by reducing the fertility rate. Hence the fertility transition in Rwanda was analyzed for the period before, during and after genocide. / South Africa

From April-July 1994, over 800,000 people were killed in a genocide in Rwanda. Since 2004, over 450,000 people have been killed in a genocide in Darfur, Sudan. In both instances, physical and sexual dehumanization were used against the targeted groups. While dehumanization in genocide has been studied, most literature on dehumanization looks at it from a psychological viewpoint, and does not include the socio-economic factors that can lead to a population being dehumanized and targeted for genocide. In addition, research on the different types of dehumanization, especially sexual dehumanization, is needed in order to fully understand the role that dehumanization plays in encouraging and facilitating genocide. The purpose of this dissertation was to compare how dehumanization was/is used in the genocides in Rwanda and Darfur. Thus, in this study, I analyzed the literature on Rwanda and Darfur and explain how dehumanization was spread from the top down by both governments, the role structural violence played in the genocides, and the types of dehumanization, both physical and sexual, used in each genocide. This dissertation is a qualitative study that used case study methodology in order to review the existing literature on Rwanda and Darfur, as well as the literature on dehumanization. I argued that rape in Rwanda and Sudan was an act of genocide, done to inflict severe physical and mental harm upon the groups, as well as a measure intended to prevent births within the targeted group. I concluded with some policy recommendations, including mental health care for the survivors, steps to recognize and stop the spread of dehumanization of a targeted group, and the need to rehumanize not only the victims, but also the perpetrators, in order to build a lasting peace.

Sexuality is one of the most central elements of human existence. Throughout history, attacks on women have been common during armed conflict. Frequently military forces have viewed sexual violence as a spoil of war, a punishment to defeated populations, or as the deviance of rogue soldiers. However, there are conflicts in which sexual violence is used as a weapon. In these conflicts, sexual violence evolves from a facet of conflict to genocide. When a military force’s command utilizes systematic and widespread sexual violence as a weapon of war, in both intent and effect, it fulfills every condition of the Geneva Convention standards of genocide. Three cases are analyzed within this thesis: Chile under the Pinochet dictatorship, Rwanda during its genocide, and Bosnia during the break-up of the former Yugoslavia. Motivations for each of the conflicts varied. However, the constant in all three conflicts was the intended elimination of a specific group and the implementation of a policy of sexual violence in order to do so. In order for crimes to be considered genocide they must fulfill one of the following conditions, as stated in Article 2 of the Geneva Conventions, any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial, or religious group, as such: A. Killing members of the group; B. Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; C. Deliberately inflicting on the group the conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; D. Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; E. Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group. Egregious acts of sexual violence and torture were utilized by all three respective commands in order to murder, incur grievous mental and physical harms, destroy the group’s ability to procreate in the future and impose measures upon the group intended to bring about its end. This work demonstrates that irrespective of the cause of a conflict, when systematic and widespread sexual violence is used as a weapon of war, it is genocide.

The definition of genocide encompasses not only the killing of a protected group as is so often erroneously believed, but also inter alia the causing of serious bodily and mental harm to a group and deliberately inflicting conditions of life on a group calculated to bring about its destruction in whole or in part. Eight stages have been identified through which conventional genocide goes. There is a closed list of four groups named in the Genocide Convention in respect of which genocide can be perpetrated. Problems have been experienced with the classification and the determination whether a group should qualify or not. In answer to this problem, the definition of the groups should be seen cohesively and attempts should preferably not be made to compartmentalise any group suspected of being targeted for genocide. The special intent required for genocide sets it apart from other crimes against humanity. The intention that needs to be proven is the desire to exterminate a group as such in whole or in part. The mention of “in part” opens the door for genocide to be perpetrated against a small sub-group which conforms to the definition of a group. The white Afrikaner farmer forms part of the larger white Afrikaner group residing in South Africa. Incitement to genocide is an inchoate crime and is regarded as a lesser crime reflected in lower sentences being passed for incitement than for genocide itself. The requirements are that the incitement must be direct and public. The required intention to incite must also be proven for a conviction to follow. The farmer who laid the complaint with the International Criminal Court, did so in the hope that the Prosecutor would utilise his or her proprio motu powers to instigate an investigation in South Africa regarding white Afrikaner farmers. The complaint and petition as well as the statistics used by the farmer paint the picture of incitement to genocide and possible genocide. The allegations are not specific and will have to be proven in a court of law for any such finding to follow. / Abstract

Magister Administrationis - MAdmin / In this dissertation, I problematize 'victim's justice' in post-genocide Rwanda. I argue that the kind of justice that was meted out in post-genocide Rwanda, namely victors' justice and complementary to it – victims’ justice, does not allow for the political reform required to break the cycle of violence in Rwanda. In the aftermath of the 1994-Rwandan Genocide, both state and society were faced with a moral and political dilemma, because the popular agency or mass participation of perpetrators derived from the Hutu majority, who targeted the Tutsi minority, with intent to annihilate them. There were massacres of both Hutus and Tutsis, but Hutus were targeted as individuals, whereas Tutsis were targeted as a group. It is the specific ‘intent to annihilate’ Tutsis as group, that makes this a Genocide against Tutsis. I draw and develop arguments made by Mahmood Mamdani, elaborating on the specific question of ‘victims justice’ for political reform in Rwanda. Both kinds of justice were outcomes of the logic of the Nuremburg Trials. Since its inception, the legacy of the Nuremburg Trial is demonstrated in how it was idealized at the end of the Cold-War by international law and human rights regime. In essence, the historical and political context of the Nuremburg trial has been removed, as it has been produced into a template- the 'Nuremburg-styled criminal trial'. 'Criminal justice' has come to define how we think of justice after mass violence, as the most morally acceptable form of justice for the victims, and the most politically viable response for constituting a 'new political order' after mass violence. This dissertation addresses the argument made, that victors' justice and victims' justice in Rwanda, has constituted two categories, which collectivise Tutsis as victims and Hutus as perpetrators. In the context of a genocide, where the perpetrators are derived from the Hutu majority and the victims from the Tutsi minority, this present both a moral and political dilemma for Rwanda’s state-building and national reconciliation project. Criminal justice also frames mass violence as being criminal, rather than addressing it as political violence. This has troubling consequences for intervening into the cycle of violence in Rwanda. The 'cycle of violence' in Rwanda, refers to the continuation of political violence, in which 'every round of perpetrators has justified the use of violence as the only effective guarantee against being victimised yet again. Thus, intervention into the cycle of violence would mean thinking out of the logic of victimhood and pursuing an alternative kind of justice. To think of the genocide as political violence, redirects the attention to the issues that made the genocide possible. I establish the importance and necessity of critically interrogating 'victims justice' in Rwanda, by placing the 1994-Genocide in its historical and political context, with a particular focus on the legacy of colonialism. The post-colonial regimes in Rwanda, inherited the colonial institutions of rule; and the politicisation of Hutu and Tutsi into racial categories, which have shaped particular meanings for power, justice and citizenship. I demonstrate in this dissertation that critical issues found in post-genocide Rwanda today, are symptomatic of the inherited colonial legacy. I address the prevailing political crisis through an analysis on post-genocide governance; national reconciliation; the 'land question'; and the Great Lakes refugee crisis. Furthermore, I found that it was critically important for my research question, to also adopt a regional perspective, because Rwanda lies at the epicentre of the Great Lakes regional crisis. This dissertation concludes with returning to the question of political reform, and breaking the 'cycle of violence'. My suggestion is that we need to think of Mamdani's concept of survivor's justice, rather than victims' justice or victors' justice, which assist in confronting the needs of political reform that address colonial legacies.

The thesis is analyzing the approach of three states - France, USA and Czech republic - towards the conflict in Rwanda, which afterwards became the most horrifying genocide in modern era. Further more the thesis analyzes, how the approaches influenced the negotiations and decisions in the UN Security Council. The conclusion then evaluates the whole analysis and formulates an alternate solution to the conflict.